It is interesting to learn that some Red China’s Communist Party members are willing to Stand Up for Tibet. My primary concern is about people who live in Free World. I ask ‘Free World’ to Stand Up for Tibet to secure the Blessings of Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in Occupied Tibet.
Special Frontier Force – The Doctrine of Tibetan Resistance: The tools of Tibetan Resistance are 1. Patience, 2. Persistence, and 3. Perseverance. Man opposes the reign of force by standing firm or by working against the force without yielding. To oppose and to withstand a force, man needs the virtues of Temperance, Tolerance, and Tranquility to remain calm, unperturbed to maintain “Inner Peace” while reacting to an external force. The virtue of Perseverance triumphs for it preserves the “Inner Peace” while the external reality is described by Violence or War.
UNITED STATES SUPPORTS TIBET’S FREEDOM: FOR MAN IS BORN FREE, MAN HAS A NATURAL RIGHT TO FREEDOM. UNITED STATES OPPOSES MILITARY OCCUPATION THAT DESTROYED TIBET’S NATURAL FREEDOM.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
THE WASHINGTON POST
China accuses party members of support for Dalai Lama and even terrorism
Whole Support – Stand Up for Tibet
The Dalai Lama speaks at a conference in New Delhi in November. (Tsering Topgyal/AP) By SIMON DENYER December 4 at 6:10 AM
BEIJING — China has mounted an extraordinary set of attacks against Communist Party members in the troubled western regions of Xinjiang and Tibet, with accusations of disloyalty, secret participation in religious activity, sympathy with the Dalai Lama and even support for terrorism.
The accusations reflect a hardening of the party’s stance in Buddhist Tibet and in Muslim- majority Xinjiang, experts said, as well as President Xi Jinping’s determination to push for ideological purity within the party nationwide, quashing debate and dissent.
But critics say they also reflect the fact that the party’s hard-line approach toward crushing “the three evils of separatism, terrorism and religious extremism” in both regions has not only alienated many ordinary ethnic Tibetan and Uighur people but has also provoked significant disquiet in its own ranks.
Some party officials openly criticize policies handed down from above, complained Xu Hairong, secretary of Xinjiang’s Commission for Discipline Inspection, making the unusual admission in a commentary published last month.
“Some waver on clear-cut issues of opposing ethnic division and safeguarding ethnic and national unity, and even support participating in violent terrorist attacks,” Xu wrote in his agency’s official newspaper.
“This does not mean the cadres participated in attacks,” said Nicholas Bequelin, East Asia director for Amnesty International, “but rather is the equivalent of local officials saying: ‘The central authorities are sending leaders who are so ham-fisted they have driven people to the edge and understandably they have started blowing up things.’ ”
With Xi taking the lead in formulating policy toward Xinjiang, “everybody has to march to the same drumbeat,” Bequelin said.
An article published Friday on China Tibet Online, a party Web site, said 355 party members had been punished in Xinjiang last year for violating “political discipline.” The article said that one had joined a social media chat group titled “Uighur Muslim” that was meant to undermine ethnic unity, while another had reposted an interview given by prominent Uighur intellectual Ilham Tohti, who was sentenced last year to life in prison on charges of advocating separatism.
Written by Zhao Zhao, the article said that some officials blame social problems on ethnic discrimination, thereby inciting ethnic hatred. “There is also a lack of faith in Marxism. Some grass-roots party members even participate in religious activities,” he wrote, adding that this would never be allowed.
Critics say there is widespread economic, cultural and religious discrimination against Uighurs and Tibetans.
After 2009 riots in Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, left at least 192 people dead, the party acknowledged that it needed to address Uighur grievances, Bequelin said. But later, with an increase in violent attacks by Uighurs, the party changed course, asserting at a major meeting on the region in 2014 that the priorities were stability and unity rather than economic development and combating discrimination.
The imprisonment of Tohti, a moderate economist whose work had detailed the problems Uighurs face, sent a strong signal to academics and party officials alike that the debate about discrimination had been closed, Bequelin said. The party now vehemently asserts that Uighur terrorism is directed by Islamist militants based abroad and is increasingly rooted in extremist ideas picked up on the Internet.
At the same time, the Communist Party has been recruiting, and the number of members in Xinjiang is reported to have risen by 21,000 to 1.45 million in 2014. And that has brought other problems.
“The Chinese Communist Party believes that it is witnessing a ‘crisis of faith’ in Xinjiang and Tibet in particular,” said Julia Famularo, an International Securities Studies Fellow at Yale University.
“It has actively endeavored to draw ever greater numbers of ethnic minorities into the party, but it now fears that these new recruits possess only superficial loyalty to the party-state,” Famularo wrote in an e-mail. “Beijing laments that these minority party members still make clandestine visits to mosques and monasteries, and that they still have stronger ties to their own people than to the party or to China.”
In Tibet, 15 party members were investigated last year and 20 this year for violating political discipline, China Tibet Online reported, saying that some had participated in organizations supporting “Tibetan independence.”
Last month, Tibet party boss Chen Quango said the party would go after officials who held “incorrect views” on minority issues or who “profess no religious belief but secretly believe,” including those who follow the Dalai Lama or listen to religious sermons.
China accuses the Dalai Lama, the exiled spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists, of trying to divide the country and pry Tibet away from China. The Dalai Lama insists he only wants meaningful autonomy for the region.
Xu Yangjingjing contributed to this report.
Simon Denyer is The Post’s bureau chief in China. He served previously as bureau chief in India and as a Reuters bureau chief in Washington, India and Pakistan.
Whole Support – Stand Up for TibetWhole Support – Stand Up for TibetSpecial Frontier Force – The Doctrine of Tibetan Resistance: The tools of Tibetan Resistance are 1. Patience, 2. Persistence, and 3. Perseverance. Man opposes the reign of force by standing firm or by working against the force without yielding. To oppose and to withstand a force, man needs the virtues of Temperance, Tolerance, and Tranquility to remain calm, unperturbed to maintain “Inner Peace” while reacting to an external force. The virtue of Perseverance triumphs for it preserves the “Inner Peace” while the external reality is described by Violence or War.
The Cold War in Asia – The Spread of Communism to Asia
Whole Friction – Communism is the source of Friction in India-China-Tibet Relations
I am pleased to share the article titled “TIBET IS THE REAL SOURCE OF SINO-INDIAN FRICTION” by Brahma Chellaney that was published by Nikkei Asian Review in its edition dated September 26, 2014.
I speak on behalf of Special Frontier Force and The Living Tibetan Spirits. I often describe about my “Kasturi-Sarvepalli-Mylapore-India-Tibet-US” Connection and I openly promote friendly relations between India and Tibet and support the condition called ‘Natural Freedom’ in the Land of Tibet. The military invasion and occupation of Tibet is not consistent with the principles of Panch Sheela Agreement that India signed during 1954. At that time, both Tibet, and India desired friendly relations with China and had used diplomacy to influence China to relax its military grip over Tibet. Tibetans for centuries enjoyed a natural sense of Freedom in spite of foreign invasions by Mongols and later Manchu China. It may be noted that His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama was not arrested after China’s successful military attack in 1950. He had continued to occupy Patola Palace in Lhasa and had visited New Delhi along with China’s Prime Minister Chou En-Lai and in May 1956 during 2500th Buddha Jayanti (Gautama Buddha’s Birth Anniversary) Celebration.
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – INDIA – CHINA RELATIONS: AFTER INDIA AND CHINA SIGNED THE PANCH SHEELA AGREEMENT IN 1954, HIS HOLINESS THE 14th DALAI LAMA WAS RECEIVED IN NEW DELHI DURING MAY 1956 AS A STATE GUEST. THIS PHOTO IMAGE WAS TAKEN AT ASHOKA HOTEL.SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – INDIA – CHINA RELATIONS: MAY 26, 1956. 2500th BIRTH ANNIVERSARY OF GAUTAMA BUDDHA, THE BUDDHA JAYANTI CELEBRATION. INDIA’S PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT REAFFIRM INDIA’S FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH TIBET.SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – INDIA – CHINA RELATIONS: IN 1956, HIS HOLINESS THE 14th DALAI LAMA WAS RECEIVED IN NEW DELHI WITH DUE HONORS AS THE HEAD OF TIBET ALONG WITH CHINA’S PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI. CHINA DID NOT ARREST OR OVERTHREW DALAI LAMA FROM HIS OFFICIAL POSITION AFTER ITS MILITARY OCCUPATION OF TIBET IN 1950.
Both India, and Tibet had good reasons to entertain an optimistic view about Tibet’s status and had anticipated that China would relent and allow Tibetans to enjoy their natural Freedom and their traditional way of life which is guided by the political philosophy called ‘Isolationism’. The Great 13th Dalai Lama had declared Tibet’s full independence on February 13, 1913 after the fall of Manchu China’s regime during 1911. However, Tibet did not establish formal diplomatic relations with other countries and remained aloof from the events shaping world history.
I am only seeking transparency and full public accountability while nations pursue their foreign policies to promote their own national interests. People’s Republic of China has to make a choice and it can choose to establish friendly relations with Tibet and India and maintain its trade and commerce relations with the United States and the rest of the world.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA Special Frontier Force–Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
September 26, 2014 7:00 pm JST
Brahma Chellaney: Tibet is the real source of Sino-Indian friction
INDIA-CHINA-TIBET RELATIONS: BRAHMA CHELLANEY IS A PROFESSOR OF STRATEGIC STUDIES AT THE INDEPENDENT CENTRE FOR POLICY RESEARCH IN NEW DELHI. HIS ARTICLE ON INDIA-CHINA RELATIONS FAILS TO MENTION ABOUT SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE WHICH PROMOTES FRIENDLY RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA, THE US, AND TIBET.
The sprawling, mountainous country of Tibet was annexed by China in the 1950s, eliminating a historical buffer with India. Today, the region remains at the heart of Sino-Indian problems, including territorial disputes, border tensions and water feuds. Beijing lays claim to adjacent Indian territories on the basis of alleged Tibetan ecclesial or tutelary links, rather than an ethnic Chinese connection. So when Chinese President Xi Jinping traveled in mid-September to India — home to Tibet’s government in exile — Tibet loomed large. The Tibetan plateau, and the military tensions the issue provokes, will also figure prominently in the Sept. 29-30 summit at the White House between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and U.S. President Barack Obama, who has urged Beijing to reopen talks with the Dalai Lama, the exiled religious leader revered as a god-king by Tibetans. Xi’s visit to New Delhi began with the visitor toasting Modi’s birthday. But, underlining the deep divide regarding Tibet, the visit was overshadowed by a Chinese military incursion across the traditional Indo-Tibetan border. It was as if the incursion — the biggest in terms of troop numbers in many years and the trigger for a military standoff in the Ladakh region — was Xi’s birthday gift for Modi.
Modi’s government, for its part, allowed Tibetan exiles to stage street protests during the two days that Xi was in New Delhi, including some close to the summit venue. This reversed a pattern that had held since the early 1990s, in which police routinely prevented such protests during the visits of Chinese leaders. During the decade-long reign of Modi’s predecessor, Manmohan Singh, police would impose a lockdown on the Indian capital’s Tibetan quarter and beat up Tibetans who attempted to rally. Such brutal practices would have befitted a repressive autocracy like China, but not a country that takes pride in being the world’s largest democracy. In any event, the muzzling of protests won India no gratitude from an increasingly assertive China. It was a welcome change that India permitted members of its large Tibetan community to exercise their legitimate democratic rights. Even the Dalai Lama felt at liberty to speak up during Xi’s visit, reminding Indians: “Tibet’s problem is also India’s problem.” The Tibetan protests, although peaceful, rattled China, which had grown accustomed to Indian authorities doing its bidding. When Modi took office in May, the prime minister of Tibet’s government in exile, Lobsang Sangay, was invited to the swearing-in event. So Xi sought an assurance that the Modi government regards Tibet as part of China. Modi has yet to speak his mind on this issue in public, but the Chinese foreign ministry, apparently citing private discussions, announced: “Prime Minister Modi said that Tibet is a part of China, and India does not allow any separatist activities on its soil.”
Diplomatic fumbles
Tibet — the world’s highest and largest plateau — separated the Chinese and Indian civilizations until relatively recently, limiting their interaction to sporadic cultural and religious contact, with no political relations. It was only after China forcibly occupied Tibet that Chinese military units appeared for the first time on the Himalayan frontiers. The fall of Tibet represented the most profound and far-reaching geopolitical development in India’s modern history. It led to China’s bloody trans-Himalayan invasion in 1962 and its current claims to vast tracts of additional Indian land. Yet Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1954 surrendered India’s extraterritorial rights in Tibet — inherited from Britain at independence — and accepted the existence of the “Tibet region of China” with no quid pro quo,not even Beijing’s acknowledgement of the then-prevailing Indo-Tibetan border. He did this by signing a pact mockingly named after the Tibetan Buddhist doctrine of Panchsheela, or the five principles of peaceful coexistence. As agreed in the pact, India withdrew its “military escorts” from Tibet and conceded to China, at a “reasonable” price, the postal, telegraph and public telephone services operated by the Indian government in the region. Years later, another Indian prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, went further. During Vajpayee’s visit to Beijing in 2003, China wrung from India the concession it always wanted — an unambiguous recognition of Tibet as part of China. Vajpayee went so far as to use the legal term “recognize” in a document signed by the two nations’ heads of government, confirming that what China calls the Tibet Autonomous Region was “part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China.” This opened the way for China to claim the large northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh — three times the size of Taiwan. Please read on..
Whole Friction – Communism is the source of Friction in India-China-Tibet Relations
Special Frontier Force Pays Tribute to President John F. Kennedy
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.
While sharing an interesting story titled Cold War Camelot published by The Daily Beast which includes excerpts from the book JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis by Bruce Riedel, I take the opportunity to pay tribute to President John F. Kennedy for supporting the Tibetan Resistance Movement initiated by President Dwight David Eisenhower. Both Tibet, and India do not consider Pakistan as a partner in spite of the fact of Pakistan permitting the use of its airfields in East Pakistan. Red China has formally admitted that she had attacked India during October 1962 to teach India a lesson and to specifically discourage India from extending support to Tibetan Resistance Movement. Red China paid a huge price. She is not able to truthfully disclose the human costs of her military aggression in 1962. She failed to achieve the objectives of her 1962 War on India. President Kennedy threatened to “Nuke” China and forced her to declare unilateral cease-fire on November 21, 1962. China withdrew from territories she gained using overwhelming force. People’s Liberation Army (PLA) sustained massive casualties and their brief victory over India did not give them any consolation. Red China’s 1962 misadventure forged a stronger bonding between Tibet, India, and the United States.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
Cold War Camelot
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN K. KENNEDY. SUPPORTING TIBET WAS PRESIDENT KENNEDY’S MAIN REASON FOR HOSTING A STATE DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.
Bruce Riedel
11.08.1512:01 AM ET
JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis
During a spectacular dinner at Mount Vernon, Kennedy pressed Pakistan’s leader for help with a sensitive spy operation against China.
At Mount Vernon
The magic of the Kennedy White House, Camelot, had settled in at Mount Vernon. It was a dazzling evening, a warm July night, but a cool breeze came off the Potomac River and kept the temperature comfortable. It was Tuesday, July 11, 1961, and the occasion was a state dinner for Pakistan’s visiting president, General Ayub Khan, the only time in our nation’s history that George Washington’s home has served as the venue for a state dinner.
President John F. Kennedy had been in office for less than six months, but his administration had already been tarnished by the failed CIA invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs and a disastrous summit with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna, Austria. Ayub Khan wrote later that the president was “under great stress.” The Kennedy administration was off to a rocky start: It needed to show some competence.
The idea of hosting Ayub Khan at Mount Vernon came from Kennedy’s wife, Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, who was inspired by a dinner during the Vienna summit held a month earlier at the Schönbrunn Palace, the rococo-style former imperial palace of the Hapsburg monarchy built in the seventeenth century. Mrs. Kennedy was impressed by the opulence and history displayed at Schönbrunn and at a similar dinner held on the same presidential trip at the French royal palace of Versailles. America had no royal palaces, of course, but it did have the first president’s mansion just a few miles away from the White House on a bluff overlooking the Potomac River. The history of the mansion and the fabulous view of the river in the evening would provide a very special atmosphere for the event.
On June 26, 1961, the First Lady visited Mount Vernon privately and broached the idea with the director of the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, which manages the estate. It was a challenging proposal. The old mansion was too small to host an indoor dinner so the event would have to take place on the lawn. The mansion had very little electricity in 1961 and was a colonial antique, without a modern kitchen or refrigeration, so that the food would have to be prepared at the White House and brought to the estate and served by White House staff. But the arrangements were made, with the Secret Service and Marine Corps providing security, and the U.S. Army’s Third Infantry Regiment from Fort Myers providing the colonial fife and drum corps for official presentation of the colors. The National Symphony Orchestra offered the after-dinner entertainment. Tiffany and Company, the high-end jewelry company, provided the flowers and decorated the candlelit pavilion in which the guests dined.
The guests arrived by boat in a small fleet of yachts led by the presidential yacht, Honey Fitz, and the secretary of the navy’s yacht, Sequoia. They departed from the Navy Yard in Washington and sailed the fifteen miles down river to Mount Vernon past National Airport and Alexandria, Virginia; the trip took an hour and fifteen minutes. On arrival the most vigorous guests, such as the president’s younger brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, climbed the hill to the mansion on foot, but most took advantage of the limousines the White House provided.
Brookings Institution
The guest list was led by President Ayub Khan and his daughter, Begum Nasir Akhtar Aurangzeb, and included the Pakistani foreign minister and finance minister, as well as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States, Aziz Ahmed, and various attaches from the embassy in Washington. Initially the ambassador was upset that the dinner would not be in the White House, fearing it would be seen as a snub. The State Department convinced Ahmed that having it at Mount Vernon was actually a benefit and would generate more publicity and distinction. The Americans invited to the dinner were the elite of the new administration. In addition to the president, attorney general, and vice president and their wives, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Secretary of the Navy John Connally, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Lyman Lemnitzer, and their wives joined the party. Six senators, including J. W. Fulbright, Stuart Symington, Everett Dirksen, and Mike Mansfield were joined by the Speaker of the House and ten congressmen, including a future president, Gerald Ford, and their wives. The U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, William Roundtree; the chief of the United States Air Force, General Curtis Lemay; Assistant Secretary of State Phillip Talbott; Peace Corps Director Sargent Shriver; and the president’s military assistant, Maxwell Taylor, were also in attendance. Walter Hoving, chairman of Tiffany, and Mrs. Hoving, and a half-dozen prominent Pakistani and American journalists, such as NBC correspondent Sander Vanocur, attended from outside the government. In total more than 130 guests were seated at sixteen tables.
Perhaps the guest most invested in the evening, however, was the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen W. Dulles. The Kennedys had long been friends of Allen Dulles. A few years before the dinner Mrs. Kennedy had given him a copy of Ian Fleming’s James Bond novel, From Russia, with Love, and Dulles, like JFK, became a big fan of 007. Dulles was also a holdover from the previous Republican administration. He had been in charge of the planning and execution of the Bay of Pigs fiasco that had tarnished the opening days of the Kennedy administration, but Dulles still had the president’s ear on sensitive covert intelligence operations, including several critical clandestine operations run out of Pakistan with the approval of Field Marshal Ayub Khan.
Before sitting down for dinner just after eight o’clock, the guests toured the first president’s home and enjoyed bourbon mint juleps or orange juice. Both dressed in formal attire for the occasion, Kennedy took Ayub Khan for a walk in the garden alone. At that time, the CIA was running two very important clandestine operations in Pakistan. One had already made the news a year earlier when a U-2 spy plane had been shot down over the Soviet Union by Russian surface-to-air missiles; this plane had started its top-secret mission, called Operation Grand Slam, from a Pakistani Air Force air base in Peshawar, Pakistan. The U-2 shoot down had wrecked a summit meeting between Khrushchev and President Eisenhower in Paris in 1960 when Ike refused to apologize for the mission. The CIA had stopped flying over the Soviet Union, but still used the base near Peshawar for less dangerous U-2 operations over China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army.
The second clandestine operation also dated from the Eisenhower administration, but was still very much top-secret. The CIA was supporting a rebellion in Communist China’s Tibet province from another Pakistani Air Force air base near Dacca in East Pakistan (what is today Bangladesh). Tibetan rebels trained by the CIA in Colorado were parachuted into Tibet from CIA transport planes that flew from that Pakistani air base, as were supplies and weapons. U-2 aircraft also landed in East Pakistan after flying over China to conduct photo reconnaissance missions of the communist state.
Ayub Khan had suspended the Tibet operation earlier that summer. The Pakistani president was upset by Kennedy’s decision to provide more than a billion dollars in economic aid to India. Pakistan believed it should be America’s preferred ally in South Asia, not India, and shutting down the CIA base for air drops to Tibet was a quiet way to signal displeasure at Washington without causing a public breakdown in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Ayub Khan wanted to make clear to Kennedy that an American tilt toward India at Pakistan’s expense would have its costs. In his memoirs, Khan later wrote that he sought to press Kennedy not to “appease India.”
Before the Mount Vernon dinner, Allen Dulles had asked Kennedy to meet alone with Ayub Khan, thinking that perhaps a little Kennedy charm and the magic of the evening would change his mind. The combination worked; the Pakistani dictator told Kennedy he would allow the CIA missions over Tibet to resume from the Pakistani Air Force base at Kurmitula outside of Dacca.
Ayub Khan did get a quid pro quo for this decision later in his visit: Kennedy promised that, even if China attacked India, he would not sell arms to India without first consulting with Pakistan. However, when China did invade India the following year, Kennedy ignored this promise and provided critical aid to India, including arms, without consulting Ayub Khan, who was deeply disappointed.
The main course for dinner was poulet chasseur served with rice and accompanied by Moët and Chandon Imperial Brut champagne (at least for the Americans), followed by raspberries in cream for dessert. President Kennedy hosted a table at which sat Begum Aurangzeb, who wore a white silk sari. Khan enjoyed the beauty of a Virginia summer evening with America’s thirty-one-year-old First Lady; he sat next to Jackie, who wore a Oleg Cassini sleeveless white organza and lace evening gown sashed at the waist in Chartreuse silk. In his toast the Pakistani leader warned that “any country that faltered in Asia, even for only a year or two, would find itself subjugated to communism.” In turn Kennedy hailed Ayub Khan as the George Washington of Pakistan. After midnight the guests were driven back to Washington down the George Washington Parkway.
The CIA operation in Tibet had its detractors in the Kennedy White House, including Kennedy’s handpicked ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, who called it “a particularly insane enterprise” involving “dissident and deeply unhygienic tribesmen” that risked an unpredictable Chinese response. However, the operation did produce substantial critical intelligence on the Chinese communist regime from captured documents seized by the Tibetans at a time when Washington had virtually no idea what was going on inside Red China. The U-2 flights from Dacca were even more important to the CIA’s understanding of China’s nuclear weapon development at its Lop Nor nuclear test facility.
But Galbraith was in the end correct to be skeptical. The operation did have an unpredicted outcome: The CIA operation helped persuade Chinese leader Mao Zedong to invade India in October 1962, an invasion that led the United States and China to the brink of war and began a Sino-India rivalry that continues today. It also created a Pakistani-Chinese alliance that still continues. The contours of modern Asian grand politics thus were drawn in 1962. The dinner at Mount Vernon was a spectacular social success for the Kennedys, although they received some predictable criticism from conservative newspapers over its cost. It was also a political success for both Kennedy and the CIA, keeping the Tibet operation alive. As an outstanding example of presidential leadership in managing and executing covert operations at the highest level of government, it is an auspicious place to begin an examination of JFK’s forgotten crisis.
From JFK’s FORGOTTEN CRISIS: TIBET, THE CIA, AND THE SINO-INDIAN WAR,by Bruce Riedel, Brookings Institution Press, November 6, 2015.
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR HIS SUPPORT TO TIBET. DINNER HOSTED AT PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY WHO HOSTED STATE DINNER AT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961 TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY. A STATE DINNER HOSTED ON JULY 11, 1961 WAS USED TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.org
Special Frontier Force Remembers the Legacy of 35th US President
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Remembering John F. Kennedy’s Legacy on his 100th birthday
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY.
Published May 29, 2017
Fox News
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
In this Feb. 27, 1959 file photo, Sen. John F. Kennedy, D-Mass., is shown in his office in Washington. Monday, May 29, 2017 marks the 100-year anniversary of the birth of Kennedy, who went on to become the 35th President of the United States. (AP Photo, File) (AP 1959)
As Americans celebrate this Memorial Day, they also will remember the life and legacy of President John F. Kennedy who was born 100 years ago this Monday.
While the 35th president left a mixed legacy following his assassination in Dallas in 1963, Kennedy remains nearly as popular today as he did during his time in office, and he arguably created the idea of a president’s “brand” that has become commonplace in American politics.
“President Kennedy and First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy worked hard to construct a positive image of themselves, what I call the Kennedy brand,” Michael Hogan, author of ‘The Afterlife of John Fitzgerald Kennedy: A Biography.’ “And because history is as much about forgetting as remembering, they made every effort to filter out information at odds with that image.”
In commemoration of JFK’s 100th birthday, Fox News has compiled a rundown on the life of the 35th president:
Born on May 29, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts to Joseph “Joe” Kennedy and Rose Elizabeth Fitzgerald Kennedy
In 1940, Kennedy graduated cum laude from Harvard College with a Bachelor of Arts in government
From 1941 to 1945, Kennedy commanded three patrol torpedo boats in South Pacific during World War II, including the PT-109 which was sunk by a Japanese destroyer
In 1946, Kennedy was elected to Congress for Massachusetts’s 11th congressional district and served three terms
Elected to the U.S. Senate to represent Massachusetts in 1952
Kennedy marries Jacqueline Bouvier, a writer with the Washington Times-Herald, in 1953
Receives the Pulitzer Prize in 1957 for his book “Profiles in Courage”
Elected President of the United States in 1960, becoming the youngest person elected to the country’s highest office, and the first Roman Catholic president.
He is credited with overseeing the creation and launch of the Peace Corps
Sent 3,000 U.S. troops to support the desegregation of the University of Mississippi after riots there left two dead and many others injured
Approved the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 intending to overthrow Cuban leader Fidel Castro
In 1962, Kennedy oversaw the Cuban Missile Crisis — seen as one of the most crucial periods of the U.S.’s Cold War with the Soviet Union
Signed a nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union in July 1963
Asked Congress to approve more than $22 billion for Project Apollo with the goal of landing an American on the moon by the end of the 1960s
Escalated involvement in the conflict in Vietnam and approved the overthrow of Vietnam’s President Ngô Đình Diệm. By the time of the war’s end in 1975, more than 58,000 U.S. troops were killed in the conflict
Assassinated by Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Bruce Riedel Reveals the Failed CIA Operations in Tibet and Cuba
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947. In fact, Bruce Riedel reveals the failed CIA operations in Tibet and Cuba.
U.S. President John F. Kennedy faced two great crises in 1962 – the Cuban missile crisis and the Sino-Indian War. While his part in the missile crisis that threatened to snowball into a nuclear war has been thoroughly studied, his critical role in the Sino-Indian War has been largely ignored. Bruce Riedel fills that gap with JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War. Riedel’s telling of the president’s firm response to China’s invasion of India and his deft diplomacy in keeping Pakistan neutral provides a unique study of Kennedy’s leadership. Embedded within that story is an array of historical details of special interest to India, remarkable among which are Jacqueline Kennedy’s role in bolstering diplomatic relations with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Pakistan President Ayub Khan, and the backstory to the China-India rivalry – what is today the longest disputed border in the world.
Bruce Riedel is senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project. He joined Brookings following a thirty-year career at the CIA. His previous books include The Search for al Qaeda: Its Leadership, Ideology, and Future; Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad; and Avoiding Armageddon: America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back.
In my analysis, Indian Prime Minister Nehru and the US President John F. Kennedy are not accountable for the Failed CIA Operations in Tibet and Cuba. THE 1962 INDIA – CHINA WAR AND THE US FACTOR. PRESIDENT KENNEDY PLANNED TO NUKE CHINA IN 1962.
The great conspiracy hatched by the UK and the US to dismember India in 1947 is not mentioned in JFK’s Forgotten Crisis Book Review. The First Kashmir War of 1947-48 is not because of Nehru’s incompetence. Following this unfair and unjust attack on India in 1947, Nehru acted in the interests of India and obtained the Soviet support for Kashmir without any concern for his own policy of Non-Alignment. He was indeed a great diplomat who performed a balancing act. The Communist takeover of mainland China and Chairman Mao Zedongs’s Expansionist Doctrine compelled Nehru to visit Washington D.C. in 1949 to initiate the Tibetan Resistance Movement and Nehru kept it as a covert operation to avoid provoking the Soviets. Nehru offered the UN Security Council seat to Red China to please the Soviets for they are the only people who fully supported India on the Kashmir issue.
It is the US policy which helped Red China to occupy Aksai Chin area of Ladakh. The US claims Kashmir as the territory of Pakistan. The US policy does not recognize India’s right to Kashmir.
It is the US policy which helped Red China to occupy Aksai Chin area of Ladakh. The US claims Kashmir as the territory of Pakistan. Even today, the official maps of the US show Kashmir as Pakistan’s territory and the US continues to support Pakistan with an aim to dismember India. These covert operations have extended to Punjab and to the Northeast. Nehru kept his cool and obtained the US support to defend the Northeast Frontier. Kennedy did not hesitate to use the Nuke threat and it forced Red China to declare unilateral ceasefire. India regained the full control of the Northeast Frontier while the Chinese still occupy Ladakh which clearly reveals the nature of the US policy which does not recognize India’s right to Kashmir. Too much attention is given by Indian readers to Mrs. Kennedy’s sleeping arrangements during her visit to New Delhi in March 1962. She came with two other ladies. I know the man who cleans the trash cans of that suite. She was experiencing her monthly period during her stay in New Delhi. Nehru may wear a Red Rose but he was not fond of mating women during their monthly periods. Feel free to ask the CIA or Bruce Riedel to refute my account. The evidence is in the trash can, the dust bin called History. All said and done, the CIA failed in 1959 for they underestimated the capabilities of the Enemy in Tibet. The Tibet Uprising of 1959 was brutally crushed and CIA helped the Dalai Lama to find shelter in India. The CIA again failed in Cuba for they underestimated the capabilities of the Enemy in Cuba. Basically, the CIA lacks intelligence capabilities and gave false assurances to Nehru about China’s intentions and preparedness to wage a war across the Himalayan Frontier. Ask Chairman Mao Zedong as to why he attacked India in 1962. What did he say about his own attack? Indians keep repeating the false narrative shared by Neville Maxwell, a communist spy. What about Indian Army Chief? What was his name? Was he related to Nehru clan? Who appointed him to that position? Was there any favoritism? India honored all the military leaders who defended Kashmir.
Tell me about the Battlefield casualties. How many killed and wounded during the 1962 War? Ask Red China to give me its numbers. What is the secret about it? Ask Red China to declassify its War Record to get a perspective on the Himalayan Blunders of Nehru.
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. On behalf of Special Frontier Force – Vikas Regiment, I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947.
Rudra Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force/Establishment 22/Vikas Regiment
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947.
PM Modi urged the MPs to read ‘JFK’s Forgotten Crisis’ in his Parliament speech.
JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War, Bruce O. Riedel, Brookings Institution, 2015
Bruce Riedel’s book is written in an accessible style and adds considerably to our understanding of the limitations of Nehru, the India-friendliness of JFK, and the Sino-Indian War of ’62.
Occurring in the shadows of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Sino-Indian War of 1962 is a forgotten slice of history that is remembered vividly only in India.
With it is buried an important episode of US president John Fitzgerald Kennedy’s diplomacy, an intriguing ‘what-if’ of Indo-US relations, and perhaps the most active chapter in the neglected history of Tibet’s resistance to China’s brutal occupation.
The war, however, brought about significant geopolitical changes to South Asia that shape it to this day. Bruce Riedel’s JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War is a gripping account of the United States’ involvement in South Asia and Kennedy’s personal interest in India.
In it, he dispels the commonly held belief that India was not a priority of US foreign policy in the early 1960s and that Kennedy was too preoccupied with events in his own backyard to pay any attention to a “minor border skirmish” on the other side of the world.
Except perhaps among historians of the Cold War, it is not widely known that the United States cosied up to Pakistan during the Eisenhower administration not to buttress South and West Asia against communism but to secure permission to fly reconnaissance missions into the Soviet Union, China, and Tibet.
Initiated in 1957, the US-Pakistan agreement allowed the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to operate U-2 reconnaissance planes from Lahore, Peshawar, and other airbases in West Pakistan over Communist territory. Airfields in East Pakistan, such as at Kurmitola, were also made available to the United States. Some of the missions were flown by the Royal Air Force as well.
These overflights provided a wealth of information about the Soviet and Chinese militaries, economies, terrain, and other aspects important to Western military planners. Particularly useful was the information on China, which was otherwise sealed off to Western eyes and ears.
Ayub Khan, the Pakistani president, claimed his pound of flesh for the agreement – Washington and Karachi signed a bilateral security agreement supplementing the CENTO and SEATO security pacts that Pakistan was already a member of and American military aid expanded to include the most advanced US jet fighter of the time, the F-104.
In addition to intelligence gathering, the United States was also involved – with full Pakistani complicity – in supporting Tibetan rebels fight the Chinese army.
The CIA flew out recruits identified by Tibetan resistance leaders, first to Saipan and then on to Camp Hale in Colorado or to the Farm – the CIA’s Virginia facility – to be trained in marksmanship, radio operations, and other crafts of insurgency. The newly-trained recruits were then flown back to Kurmitola, from where they would be parachuted back into Tibet to harass the Chinese military.
No one in Washington had any illusion that these rebels stood any chance against any professionally trained and equipped force, especially one as large as the People’s Liberation Army, but US policymakers were content to harass Beijing in the hope of keeping it off balance.
Jawaharlal Nehru knew of US activities in Tibet, for his Intelligence Bureau chief, BN Mullick, had his own sources in Tibet. It is unlikely, however, that he knew of Pakistan’s role in the United States’ Tibet operations.
In any case, Nehru did not believe that it was worth antagonising the Chinese when there was no hope of victory; India had to live in the same neighbourhood and hence be more cautious than the rambunctious Americans.
Furthermore, it was the heyday of non-alignment and panchsheel, and the Indian prime minister did not wish to upset that applecart if he could help it. In fact, Nehru urged US President Dwight Eisenhower during their 1956 retreat to the latter’s Gettysburg farmhouse to give the UN Security Council seat held by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist China to Mao Zedong’s Communist China.
As Nehru saw it, a nation of 600 million people could not be kept outside the world system for long, but Ike, as the US president was known, still had bitter memories of the Chinese from Korea fresh in his mind. Yet three years later, when Ike visited India and Chinese perfidy in Aksai Chin had been discovered, the Indian prime minister’s tone was a contrast.
To most, Cuba defines the Kennedy administration: JFK had got off to a disastrous start in his presidency with the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba, an inheritance from his predecessor’s era.
His iconic moment, indisputably, came two years later in the showdown with Nikita Khrushchev over Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba. Less well known is the president’s interest in South Asia and India in particular.
Riedel explains how, even before assuming the presidency, Kennedy had made a name for himself in the US Senate with his powerful speeches on foreign policy.
In essence, he criticised the Eisenhower government for its failure to recognise that the era of European power was over; Kennedy wanted to fight a smarter Cold War, embracing the newly liberated peoples of Asia and Africa and denying the Communists an opportunity to fan any residual anti-imperialism which usually manifested itself as anti-Westernism.
Riedel points to a speech in May 1959 as a key indicator of the future president’s focus:
In May 1959, JFK declared, “…no struggle in the world today deserves more of our time and attention than that which now grips the attention of all Asia. That is the struggle between India and China for leadership of the East…” China was growing three times as fast as India, Kennedy went on, because of Soviet assistance; to help India, the future president proposed, NATO and Japan should put together an aid package of $1 billion per year that would revitalise the Indian economy and set the country on a path to prosperity.
The speech had been partially drafted by someone who would also play a major role in the United States’ India policy during Kennedy’s presidency: John Kenneth Galbraith.
Riedel shows how, despite his Cuban distraction, Kennedy put India on the top of his agenda. A 1960 National Intelligence Estimate prepared by the CIA for the new president predicted a souring of India-China relations; it further predicted that Delhi would probably turn to Moscow for help with Beijing.
However, the border dispute with the Chinese had shaken Nehru’s dominance in foreign policy and made Indian leaders more sympathetic of the United States. The NIE also projected the military gap between India and China to increase to the disadvantage of the former.
The PLA had also been doing exceedingly well against Tibetan rebels, picking them off within weeks of their infiltration. By late 1960, a Tibetan enclave had developed in Nepal; Mustang, the enclave was called, became the preferred site for the CIA to drop supplies to the rebels.
Galbraith, the newly appointed ambassador to India, disapproved of the CIA’s Tibetan mission, which had delivered over 250 tonnes of arms, ammunition, medical supplies, communications gear, and other equipment by then.
Like Nehru, he thought it reckless and provocative without any hope of achieving a favourable result. There were, however, occasional intelligence windfalls coming from Tibet and Kennedy overruled Galbraith for the moment. JFK’s Forgotten Crisis shows how Galbraith was far more attuned to India than he is usually given credit for. He is most famously remembered – perhaps only among Cold War historians – for nixing a Department of Defence proposal in 1961 that proposed giving India nuclear weapons.
Then, he predicted – most likely accurately – that Nehru would denounce such an offer and accuse the United States of trying to make India its atomic ally. Now, the Harvard professor pushed for Nehru and Kennedy to meet.
This would give the Indian prime minister, Galbraith hoped, an opportunity to remove any lingering suspicions he may have had about US foreign policy in South Asia. The large aid package Washington had planned for India would only sweeten the meeting.
This was not to be: Nehru remained most taciturn and almost monosyllabic during his visit to Jacqueline Kennedy’s home in Newport. However, he was quite enamoured by the First Lady, and Jackie Kennedy later said that she found the Indian leader to be quite charming; she, however, had much sharper things to say about the leader’s daughter!
Washington’s outreach to Delhi annoyed Karachi. Though ostensibly the US-Pakistan alliance was to fight communism, the reality was that Pakistan had always been preoccupied with India.
Ayub Khan felt betrayed that the United States would give India, a non-aligned state, economic assistance that would only assist it in developing a stronger military to be deployed against Pakistan. Riedel’s account highlights the irresistible Kennedy charm – when Pakistan suspended the Dragon Lady’s flights from its soil, JFK was able to woo Khan back into the fold.
However, the Pakistani dictator had a condition – that Washington would discuss all arms sales to India with him. This agreement would be utterly disregarded during the Sino-Indian War and Pakistan would start looking for more reliable allies against their larger Hindu neighbour.
Riedel reveals how Pakistan had started drifting into the Chinese orbit as early as 1961, even before China’s invasion of India, an event commonly believed to have occurred after India’s Himalayan humiliation.
When India retook Goa from the Portuguese, a NATO country, it caused all sorts of difficulties for the United States.
On the one hand, Kennedy agreed with the notion that colonial possessions should be granted independence or returned to their original owners but on the other, Nehru and his minister of defence, Krishna Menon, had not endeared themselves to anyone with their constant moralising; their critics would not, now, let this opportunity to call out India’s hypocrisy on the use of force in international affairs pass.
The brief turbulence in relations was set right, oddly, by the First Lady again. On her visit to India, she again charmed the prime minister and he insisted that he stay with him instead of the US embassy and had the room Edwina Mountbatten had often used on her visits readied. The play of personalities, an often ignored facet of diplomacy, has been brought out well by Riedel.
Ironically, China believed that the Tibetan resistance movement was being fuelled by India with US help. India’s granting of asylum to the Dalai Lama did not help matters either, even though it was Nehru who had convinced the young Dalai Lama to return to Tibet in 1956 and have faith in Beijing’s promises of Tibetan autonomy.
Although Indian actions did factor into the Chinese decision to invade India in October 1962, records from Eastern European archives indicate that the Sino-Soviet split was also partly to blame. Humiliating India served two purposes for Mao: first, it would secure Chinese access to Tibet via Aksai Chin, and second, it would expose India’s Western ties and humiliate a Soviet ally, thereby proclaiming China to be the true leader of the communist world.
Riedel’s treatment of the war and the several accounts makes for interesting reading, though his belief that there is rich literature on the Indian side about the war is a little puzzling.
Most of what is known about the Sino-Indian War comes from foreign archives – primarily the United States, Britain, and Russia but also European archives as their diplomats recorded and relayed to their capitals opinions they had formed from listening to chatter on the embassy grapevine.
There is, indeed, literature on the Indian side but much of it seeks to apportion blame rather than clarify the sequence of events. Records from the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of External Affairs, or the Ministry of Defence are yet to be declassified, though the Henderson-Brooks-Bhagat Report was partially released to the public by Australian journalist Neville Maxwell.
Chinese records, though not easily accessible, have trickled out via the most commendable Cold War International History Project. The Parallel History Project has also revealed somewhat the view from Eastern Europe.
Riedel dispels the notion of Nehru’s Forward Policy as the cassus belli. According to Brigadier John Dalvi, a prisoner of war from almost the outset, China had been amassing arms, ammunition, winter supplies, and other materiel at its forward bases since at least May 1962.
This matches with an IB report Mullick had provided around the same time. Furthermore, the Indian forces were outnumbered at least three-to-one all along the border and five-to-one in some places. The troops were veterans of the Korean War and armed with modern automatic rifles as compared to Indian soldiers’ 1895 issue Lee Enfield.
Though Riedel exonerates Nehru on his diplomacy, he does not allow the prime minister’s incompetence to pass: the political appointment of BM Kaul, the absolute ignorance of conditions on the ground, and the poor logistics and preparation of the troops on the border left them incapable of even holding a Chinese assault, let alone breaking it.
JFK’s Forgotten Crisis brings out a few lesser known aspects of the Sino-Indian War. For example, India’s resistance to the PLA included the recruitment of Tibetan exiles to harass the PLA from behind the lines. Nehru was approached by the two men most responsible for the debacle on the border – Menon and Kaul – with the proposal which Nehru promptly agreed.
A team, commanded by Brigadier Sujan Singh Uban and under the IB, was formed. A long-continuing debate Riedel takes up in his work is the Indian failure to use air power during the conflict in the Himalayas.
It has been suggested that had Nehru not been so timid and fearful of retaliation against Indian cities but deployed the Indian air force, India may have been able to repel or at least withstand the Chinese invasion. One wonders how effective the Indian Air Force really might have been given the unprepared state of the Army.
In any case, Riedel points out that the Chinese air force was actually larger than the IAF – the PLAAF had over 2,000 jet fighters to India’s 315, and 460 bombers to India’s 320. Additionally, China had already proven its ability to conquer difficult terrain in Korea.
Throughout the South Asian conflict, the United States was also managing its relationship with Pakistan. Despite the Chinese invasion, the bulk of India’s armies were tied on the Western border with Pakistan and Ayub Khan was making noises about a decisive solution to the Kashmir imbroglio; it was all the United States could do to hold him back.
However, Ayub Khan came to see the United States as a fair-weather friend and realised he had to look elsewhere for support in his ambitions against India: China was the logical choice. Thus, the 1962 war resulted in the beginning of the Sino-Pakistani relationship that would blossom to the extent of Beijing providing Islamabad with nuclear weapon and missile designs in the 1980s.
The Chinese had halted after their explosive burst into India on October 20. For a full three weeks, Chinese forces sat still while the Indians regrouped and resupplied their positions. On November 17, they struck again and swept further south. The Siliguri corridor, or the chicken neck, was threatened , and India stood to lose the entire Northeast.
In panic, Kaul asked Nehru to invite foreign armies to defend Indian soil. A broken Nehru wrote two letters to Washington on the same day, asking for a minimum of 12 squadrons of jet fighters, two B-47 bomber squadrons, and radar installations to defend against Chinese strikes on Indian cities.
These would all be manned by American personnel until sufficient Indians could be trained. In essence, India wanted the United States to deploy over 10,000 men in an air war with China on its behalf.
There is some doubt as to what extent the United States would have gone to defend India. However, that November, the White House dispatched the USS Kitty Hawk to the Bay of Bengal (she was later turned around as the war ended).
After the staggering blows of November 17, the US embassy, in anticipation of Indian requests for aid, had also started preparing a report to expedite the process through the Washington bureaucracy.
On November 20, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew its troops to the Line of Actual Control. A cessation of hostilities had come on Beijing’s terms, who had shown restraint by not dismembering India.
Riedel makes a convincing case that Kennedy would have defended India against a continued Chinese attack had one come in the spring of the following year, and that overt US support may have influenced Mao’s decision.
In the immediate aftermath of the war, the United States sent Averell Harriman of Lend-Lease fame to India to assess the country’s needs. Washington had three items on its agenda with India:
1. Increase US economic and military aid to India;
2. Push India to negotiate with Pakistan on Kashmir as Kennedy had promised Ayub Khan; and
3. Secure Indian support for the CIA’s covert Tibetan operations.
The first met with little objection, and though Nehru strongly objected to talks with Pakistan, he obliged. Predictably, they got to nowhere. On the third point, Riedel writes that India agreed to allow the CIA to operate U-2 missions from Char Batia.
This has usually been denied on the Indian side though one senior bureaucrat recently claimed that Nehru had indeed agreed to such an arrangement but only two flights took off before permission was revoked.
Nonetheless, the IB set up a Special Frontier Force of Tibetans in exile and the CIA supported them with equipment and air transport from bases in India. All this, however, withered away as relations again turned sour after the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965 and the election of Richard Nixon.
Most of the sources JFK’s Forgotten Crisis uses are memoirs and prominent secondary sources on South Asia and China. Riedel also uses some recently declassified material from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library that sheds new light on the president’s views on South Asia.
Despite the academic tenor of the book, it is readily accessible to lay readers as well; personally, I would have preferred a significantly heavier mining of archival documents and other primary sources but that is exactly what would have killed sales and the publisher would not have liked!
Overall, Riedel gives readers a new way to understand the Kennedy years; he also achieves a fine balance in portraying Nehru’s limitations and incompetence. The glaring lack of Indian primary sources also reminds us of the failure of the Indian government to declassify its records that would inform us even more about the crisis.
As Riedel notes, the Chinese invasion of India created what they feared most and had not existed earlier: the United States and India working together in Tibet. This was largely possible also because of the most India-friendly president in the White House until then.
Yet Pakistan held great sway over American minds thanks to the small favours it did for the superpower. It was also the birth of the Sino-Pakistani camaraderie that is still going strong. The geopolitical alignment created by the Sino-Indian War affects South Asian politics to this day. Yet it was a missed opportunity for Indo-US relations, something that had to await the presidency of George W. Bush.
There are two things Indian officials would do well to consider.
First, Pakistan’s consistent ability to extract favours from Washington is worth study: if small yet important favours can evince so much understanding from the White House, it would be in Indian interests to do the same.
Second, Jaswant Singh’s comment to Strobe Talbott deserves reflection: “Our problem is China, we are not seeking parity with China. we don’t have the resources, and we don’t have the will.” It is time to develop that will.
Special Frontier Force Pays Tribute to President John F. Kennedy
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.
While sharing an interesting story titled Cold War Camelot published by The Daily Beast which includes excerpts from the book JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis by Bruce Riedel, I take the opportunity to pay tribute to President John F. Kennedy for supporting the Tibetan Resistance Movement initiated by President Dwight David Eisenhower. Both Tibet, and India do not consider Pakistan as a partner in spite of the fact of Pakistan permitting the use of its airfields in East Pakistan. Red China has formally admitted that she had attacked India during October 1962 to teach India a lesson and to specifically discourage India from extending support to Tibetan Resistance Movement. Red China paid a huge price. She is not able to truthfully disclose the human costs of her military aggression in 1962. She failed to achieve the objectives of her 1962 War on India. President Kennedy threatened to “Nuke” China and forced her to declare unilateral cease-fire on November 21, 1962. China withdrew from territories she gained using overwhelming force. People’s Liberation Army (PLA) sustained massive casualties and their brief victory over India did not give them any consolation. Red China’s 1962 misadventure forged a stronger bonding between Tibet, India, and the United States.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
Cold War Camelot
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN K. KENNEDY. SUPPORTING TIBET WAS PRESIDENT KENNEDY’S MAIN REASON FOR HOSTING A STATE DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.
Bruce Riedel
11.08.1512:01 AM ET
JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis
During a spectacular dinner at Mount Vernon, Kennedy pressed Pakistan’s leader for help with a sensitive spy operation against China.
At Mount Vernon
The magic of the Kennedy White House, Camelot, had settled in at Mount Vernon. It was a dazzling evening, a warm July night, but a cool breeze came off the Potomac River and kept the temperature comfortable. It was Tuesday, July 11, 1961, and the occasion was a state dinner for Pakistan’s visiting president, General Ayub Khan, the only time in our nation’s history that George Washington’s home has served as the venue for a state dinner.
President John F. Kennedy had been in office for less than six months, but his administration had already been tarnished by the failed CIA invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs and a disastrous summit with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna, Austria. Ayub Khan wrote later that the president was “under great stress.” The Kennedy administration was off to a rocky start: It needed to show some competence.
The idea of hosting Ayub Khan at Mount Vernon came from Kennedy’s wife, Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, who was inspired by a dinner during the Vienna summit held a month earlier at the Schönbrunn Palace, the rococo-style former imperial palace of the Hapsburg monarchy built in the seventeenth century. Mrs. Kennedy was impressed by the opulence and history displayed at Schönbrunn and at a similar dinner held on the same presidential trip at the French royal palace of Versailles. America had no royal palaces, of course, but it did have the first president’s mansion just a few miles away from the White House on a bluff overlooking the Potomac River. The history of the mansion and the fabulous view of the river in the evening would provide a very special atmosphere for the event.
On June 26, 1961, the First Lady visited Mount Vernon privately and broached the idea with the director of the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, which manages the estate. It was a challenging proposal. The old mansion was too small to host an indoor dinner so the event would have to take place on the lawn. The mansion had very little electricity in 1961 and was a colonial antique, without a modern kitchen or refrigeration, so that the food would have to be prepared at the White House and brought to the estate and served by White House staff. But the arrangements were made, with the Secret Service and Marine Corps providing security, and the U.S. Army’s Third Infantry Regiment from Fort Myers providing the colonial fife and drum corps for official presentation of the colors. The National Symphony Orchestra offered the after-dinner entertainment. Tiffany and Company, the high-end jewelry company, provided the flowers and decorated the candlelit pavilion in which the guests dined.
The guests arrived by boat in a small fleet of yachts led by the presidential yacht, Honey Fitz, and the secretary of the navy’s yacht, Sequoia. They departed from the Navy Yard in Washington and sailed the fifteen miles down river to Mount Vernon past National Airport and Alexandria, Virginia; the trip took an hour and fifteen minutes. On arrival the most vigorous guests, such as the president’s younger brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, climbed the hill to the mansion on foot, but most took advantage of the limousines the White House provided.
Brookings Institution
The guest list was led by President Ayub Khan and his daughter, Begum Nasir Akhtar Aurangzeb, and included the Pakistani foreign minister and finance minister, as well as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States, Aziz Ahmed, and various attaches from the embassy in Washington. Initially the ambassador was upset that the dinner would not be in the White House, fearing it would be seen as a snub. The State Department convinced Ahmed that having it at Mount Vernon was actually a benefit and would generate more publicity and distinction. The Americans invited to the dinner were the elite of the new administration. In addition to the president, attorney general, and vice president and their wives, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Secretary of the Navy John Connally, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Lyman Lemnitzer, and their wives joined the party. Six senators, including J. W. Fulbright, Stuart Symington, Everett Dirksen, and Mike Mansfield were joined by the Speaker of the House and ten congressmen, including a future president, Gerald Ford, and their wives. The U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, William Roundtree; the chief of the United States Air Force, General Curtis Lemay; Assistant Secretary of State Phillip Talbott; Peace Corps Director Sargent Shriver; and the president’s military assistant, Maxwell Taylor, were also in attendance. Walter Hoving, chairman of Tiffany, and Mrs. Hoving, and a half-dozen prominent Pakistani and American journalists, such as NBC correspondent Sander Vanocur, attended from outside the government. In total more than 130 guests were seated at sixteen tables.
Perhaps the guest most invested in the evening, however, was the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen W. Dulles. The Kennedys had long been friends of Allen Dulles. A few years before the dinner Mrs. Kennedy had given him a copy of Ian Fleming’s James Bond novel, From Russia, with Love, and Dulles, like JFK, became a big fan of 007. Dulles was also a holdover from the previous Republican administration. He had been in charge of the planning and execution of the Bay of Pigs fiasco that had tarnished the opening days of the Kennedy administration, but Dulles still had the president’s ear on sensitive covert intelligence operations, including several critical clandestine operations run out of Pakistan with the approval of Field Marshal Ayub Khan.
Before sitting down for dinner just after eight o’clock, the guests toured the first president’s home and enjoyed bourbon mint juleps or orange juice. Both dressed in formal attire for the occasion, Kennedy took Ayub Khan for a walk in the garden alone. At that time, the CIA was running two very important clandestine operations in Pakistan. One had already made the news a year earlier when a U-2 spy plane had been shot down over the Soviet Union by Russian surface-to-air missiles; this plane had started its top-secret mission, called Operation Grand Slam, from a Pakistani Air Force air base in Peshawar, Pakistan. The U-2 shoot down had wrecked a summit meeting between Khrushchev and President Eisenhower in Paris in 1960 when Ike refused to apologize for the mission. The CIA had stopped flying over the Soviet Union, but still used the base near Peshawar for less dangerous U-2 operations over China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army.
The second clandestine operation also dated from the Eisenhower administration, but was still very much top-secret. The CIA was supporting a rebellion in Communist China’s Tibet province from another Pakistani Air Force air base near Dacca in East Pakistan (what is today Bangladesh). Tibetan rebels trained by the CIA in Colorado were parachuted into Tibet from CIA transport planes that flew from that Pakistani air base, as were supplies and weapons. U-2 aircraft also landed in East Pakistan after flying over China to conduct photo reconnaissance missions of the communist state.
Ayub Khan had suspended the Tibet operation earlier that summer. The Pakistani president was upset by Kennedy’s decision to provide more than a billion dollars in economic aid to India. Pakistan believed it should be America’s preferred ally in South Asia, not India, and shutting down the CIA base for air drops to Tibet was a quiet way to signal displeasure at Washington without causing a public breakdown in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Ayub Khan wanted to make clear to Kennedy that an American tilt toward India at Pakistan’s expense would have its costs. In his memoirs, Khan later wrote that he sought to press Kennedy not to “appease India.”
Before the Mount Vernon dinner, Allen Dulles had asked Kennedy to meet alone with Ayub Khan, thinking that perhaps a little Kennedy charm and the magic of the evening would change his mind. The combination worked; the Pakistani dictator told Kennedy he would allow the CIA missions over Tibet to resume from the Pakistani Air Force base at Kurmitula outside of Dacca.
Ayub Khan did get a quid pro quo for this decision later in his visit: Kennedy promised that, even if China attacked India, he would not sell arms to India without first consulting with Pakistan. However, when China did invade India the following year, Kennedy ignored this promise and provided critical aid to India, including arms, without consulting Ayub Khan, who was deeply disappointed.
The main course for dinner was poulet chasseur served with rice and accompanied by Moët and Chandon Imperial Brut champagne (at least for the Americans), followed by raspberries in cream for dessert. President Kennedy hosted a table at which sat Begum Aurangzeb, who wore a white silk sari. Khan enjoyed the beauty of a Virginia summer evening with America’s thirty-one-year-old First Lady; he sat next to Jackie, who wore a Oleg Cassini sleeveless white organza and lace evening gown sashed at the waist in Chartreuse silk. In his toast the Pakistani leader warned that “any country that faltered in Asia, even for only a year or two, would find itself subjugated to communism.” In turn Kennedy hailed Ayub Khan as the George Washington of Pakistan. After midnight the guests were driven back to Washington down the George Washington Parkway.
The CIA operation in Tibet had its detractors in the Kennedy White House, including Kennedy’s handpicked ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, who called it “a particularly insane enterprise” involving “dissident and deeply unhygienic tribesmen” that risked an unpredictable Chinese response. However, the operation did produce substantial critical intelligence on the Chinese communist regime from captured documents seized by the Tibetans at a time when Washington had virtually no idea what was going on inside Red China. The U-2 flights from Dacca were even more important to the CIA’s understanding of China’s nuclear weapon development at its Lop Nor nuclear test facility.
But Galbraith was in the end correct to be skeptical. The operation did have an unpredicted outcome: The CIA operation helped persuade Chinese leader Mao Zedong to invade India in October 1962, an invasion that led the United States and China to the brink of war and began a Sino-India rivalry that continues today. It also created a Pakistani-Chinese alliance that still continues. The contours of modern Asian grand politics thus were drawn in 1962. The dinner at Mount Vernon was a spectacular social success for the Kennedys, although they received some predictable criticism from conservative newspapers over its cost. It was also a political success for both Kennedy and the CIA, keeping the Tibet operation alive. As an outstanding example of presidential leadership in managing and executing covert operations at the highest level of government, it is an auspicious place to begin an examination of JFK’s forgotten crisis.
From JFK’s FORGOTTEN CRISIS: TIBET, THE CIA, AND THE SINO-INDIAN WAR,by Bruce Riedel, Brookings Institution Press, November 6, 2015.
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR HIS SUPPORT TO TIBET. DINNER HOSTED AT PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY WHO HOSTED STATE DINNER AT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961 TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY. A STATE DINNER HOSTED ON JULY 11, 1961 WAS USED TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.org
TROUBLE IN TIBET – WHERE IS THE PATH TO FREEDOM? “VAGUE TALK ABOUT PEACE WILL ONLY DISTURB SOME PIGEONS.” H.H. The Dalai Lama. For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay, political head of the Tibetan people, unfurls and raises the Tibetan National Flag on the 53rd National Uprising Day on March 10, 2012 in Dharamsala, India. Tibetan people are demanding their Right to Natural Freedom that was taken away by the military occupation of their Land. Freedom in Tibet is about oppression caused by foreign occupation.
THE WASHINGTON POST
THE DALAI LAMA’S PRACTICAL PATH TO PEACE
Trouble in Tibet – Where is the Path to Freedom?For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
The Dalai Lama, center, can be informal and mischievous, as when he rubbed his head into the beard of a very dignified Muslim cleric. (Tenzin Choejor/Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama)
By MICHAEL GERSON Opinion writer May 5, 2016 at 8:00 PM
DHARAMSALA, India
When posed a policy question, the Dalai Lama is surprisingly (for a religious leader) un-prone to moralism. What, I asked him, does he think of the European backlash against migration? “In the name of sympathy, for the few who are desperate, [resettlement] is worthwhile.” But Europeans, he continued, “have a right to be concerned for their own prosperity.” Better, he said, “to help people in their own land.” He added: “It is really complex.”
Michael Gerson is a nationally syndicated columnist who appears twice weekly in The Post.
In conversation, the Dalai Lama’s cast of mind is thoroughly empirical. You can see him considering a matter from various angles and revising his views based on new input. He is a Buddhist who recommends “analytic meditation” instead of employing spiritual exercises as a “tranquilizer.” Self-reflection, he believes, should be the basis for action in the world. Vague talk of peace, he said, “will only disturb some pigeons.”
For decades, the Dalai Lama has embodied the Tibetan cause, which was once at the center of America’s Cold War interests. With that cause now something of an international orphan, the Dalai Lama has cultivated a different type of influence — global celebrity based on spiritual charisma.
I saw that charisma up close as the fortunate witness to a singular event. Under the auspices of the United States Institute of Peace, the Dalai Lama spent two days mentoring 28 exceptional youth leaders — men and women doing peacebuilding in conflict zones across Asia and Africa, often at great personal risk.
The Dalai Lama is, despite recent health issues, energetic and apparently (at 80) tireless. He is informal and mischievous (at one point rubbing his bald head into the beard of a very dignified Muslim cleric). He is disarmingly self-effacing: “I am not god,” quoth the 14th reincarnation of the Lord of Compassion. “I don’t know” is a consistent refrain.
But his view of the world is also highly consistent and occasionally controversial. He argues that ethics are primary and unifying, while religion belongs to “a secondary level of difference.” What he calls “secular ethics” can be derived from “common experience and common sense,” which teaches the “sameness of humanity” and the universal capacity for, and need for, love and compassion. For evidence, he turns to neuroscience and social scientific research on child development rather than to scripture. (He has mandated a science curriculum for Tibetan monasteries.) Human beings, in his view, are essentially good and responsible for doing good. “We promote a more compassionate world,” he said, “through education, not through prayer.”
If this sounds familiar, it is not far from the social ethics — not the theology — of some strains of liberal Protestantism. And the Dalai Lama shares something with Pope Francis: an impatience with institutional religion, which he says is prone to be “narrow and rigid.”
The Dalai Lama is keen to argue that “all religions carry the message of love and compassion.” In more careful moments, he says, “all religions have the same potential.” This is true — from a certain perspective. Each of the world’s major religions has resources of respect for the other that can (and should) be emphasized at the expense of less attractive elements.
Some of the faithful will resist the Dalai Lama’s frank insistence that religion be modernized. “Some traditions must change. I tell my Hindu friends, they must change their treatment of outcasts.” In Islam, “the meaning of jihad is not hurting other people.” His own tradition he described as “too close to the feudal system.” “This is not a change in religion. It is changing habits due to social tradition.”
This religious essentialism — defining a core of humane teaching that stands in judgment of a tradition’s cultural expressions — is what helps ensure that religion is a positive cultural force. Conservative Protestants in the United States who dispute this idea still demonstrate it. The treatment of women in most evangelical churches is closer to common American practice than to the Apostle Paul’s first-century attitudes, and it should be.
The uniqueness of the Dalai Lama’s voice in global debates is his emphasis on the inner life. He roots the pursuit of peace in a “calm mind” — and displays it. “External disarmament,” he told the gathered young activists, “begins with internal disarmament. If you show anger, things get worse. A genuine smile and warmheartedness and a joke are the only way to cool things down.”
It is good advice for anyone facing conflict — as well as the only basis for a peace that involves trust, forgiveness and healing.
Michael Gerson is a nationally syndicated columnist who appears twice weekly in The Post.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom. Lobsang Sangay, Prime Minister of Tibetan Government-In-Exile.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Lobsang Sangay, the incumbent prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, speaks to media after being re-elected for second term in office in Dharmsala, India, Wednesday, April 27, 2016.
Shannon Van Sant May 16, 2016 3:46 AM
HONG KONG—
The re-election of Lobsang Sangay as prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile has renewed hopes among some that dialogue between the Dalai Lama and China’s central government, which stopped in 2010, will begin again.
On the day of his election, Sangay vowed to push for autonomy for the Tibetan people and restart talks with the Chinese government.
“We remain fully committed to the Middle Way Approach, which clearly seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within China. It is hoped the leaders in Beijing will see reason with the Middle Way Approach, instead of distorting it, and step forward to engage in dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s envoys,” he said.
No talks since 2010
Representatives of the Dalai Lama held several rounds of talks with China until they were stalled in 2010 by protests and a subsequent crackdown in Tibet. Tsering Passang, Chair of the Tibetan Community in Britain, said whether or not talks restart is in Beijing’s hands. “It’s really up to the Chinese, and due to the current reality, the geopolitical situation, as well as the economic situation, China has the upper hand, so it’s going to be a challenge for the Tibetan leadership,” he said.
Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
FILE – An elderly Tibetan woman, who was among those waiting to receive the Dalai Lama, gets emotional as the spiritual leader greets devotees upon arrival at the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics near Dharmsala, India.
Sangay defeated challenger Penpa Tsering
Sangay ran against the speaker of the Tibetan Parliament, Penpa Tsering and received 58 percent of nearly 60,000 votes cast. About 90,000 exiled Tibetans are registered to vote in 40 countries. However, China has largely ignored the elections, with the foreign ministry only making terse remarks on the ballot results when pressed to comment at a recent briefing. Spokesman Hong Lei said the voting was nothing but a “farce” staged by an “illegal” organization that is not recognized by any country in the world.
Robert Barnett, the director of modern Tibet studies at Columbia University, is not very optimistic about the resumption of talks. “It’s quite disheartening at the moment because there are no signs from the Chinese side of any concession at all, in fact very much the opposite. But of course the Chinese side would not disclose if it was going to make a move. It would be in its interest to move very quickly at a time of its own choosing,” he said.
Trouble in Tibet – Search for Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
FILE – An exile Tibetan nun cries as she prays during a candlelit vigil in solidarity with two Tibetans, who exiles claim have immolated themselves demanding freedom for Tibet, in Dharmsala, India, Wednesday, March 2, 2016.
China claims control of Tibet for centuries
China says it has maintained control of the Tibetan region since the 13th century, and the Communist Party says it has liberated the Tibetan people through removing monks from power who the party says presided over a feudal system. But many Tibetans argue they were independent until Communist forces invaded in 1950. Nine years later the Dalai Lama fled into exile after a failed uprising against the government. While the Dalai Lama remains the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people, he gave up political authority in 2011, and called for democratic elections to choose a prime minister to lead the parliament of the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala, India.
With the current Dalai Lama now in his 80s, the issue of who will select the next Dalai Lama is gaining in importance.
But P.K. Gautam, a Research Fellow at the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses in India, said any political talks that may develop should not be confused with discussions over who will select the next Dalai Lama.
“So who selects the Dalai Lama is a very separate process, but the political negotiations, for the autonomous region, the way it is desired, that can be taken on by this central administration. So it’s a long-term process; it’s just one of these steps that may lead to a solution so that the Tibet autonomous region regains its pillars,” he said.
Many Tibetans hope Sangay’s election is also a step towards easing discontent throughout the Tibetan community. More than 100 Tibetans have self-immolated in protest against the Chinese government since 2009.
Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.TROUBLE IN TIBET – SEARCH FOR PATH TO FREEDOM. PREPARE YOUR MIND.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
On the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, the Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square MassacreBharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
On Tuesday, June 4, 2024, the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past; the spread of Communism to mainland China in 1949.
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
Today, on Tuesday, June 04, 2024 The Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s decision to pursue the policy of Isolationism while confronting the grave threat posed by Communist takeover of mainland China. In 1943, Tibet had the opportunity to establish formal diplomatic relationships with the United States and other countries of Free World to prevent the spread of Communism to Asia.
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment regrets Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism in 1943
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
CALLS FOR CHINA TO FACE GHOSTS OF ITS PAST ON TIANANMEN ANNIVERSARY
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
FILE – A Chinese man stands alone to block a line of tanks heading east on Beijing’s Cangan Boulevard in Tiananmen Square, June 5, 1989.
BEIJING —
The United States has added its voice to international calls for China’s communist-led government to give a full public accounting of those who were killed, detained or went missing during the violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations in and around Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.
In a bold statement from Washington to mark the 29th anniversary of a bloody crackdown that left hundreds — some say thousands — dead, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called on Chinese authorities to release “those who have been jailed for striving to keep the memory of Tiananmen Square alive; and to end the continued harassment of demonstration participants and their families.”
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
University students place flowers on the “Pillar of Shame” statue, a memorial for those injured and killed in the Tiananmen crackdown, at the University of Hong Kong, June 4, 2018.
To this day, open discussion of the topic remains forbidden in China and the families of those who lost loved ones continue to face oppression. Chinese authorities have labeled the protests a counter-revolutionary rebellion and repeatedly argued that a clear conclusion of the events was reached long ago.
In an annual statement on the tragedy, the group Tiananmen Mothers urged President Xi Jinping in an open letter to “re-evaluate the June 4th massacre” and called for an end to their harassment.
“Each year when we would commemorate our loved ones, we are all monitored, put under surveillance, or forced to travel” to places outside of China’s capital, the letter said. The advocacy group Human Rights in China released the open letter from the Tiananmen Mothers ahead of the anniversary.
“No one from the successive governments over the past 29 years has ever asked after us, and not one word of apology has been spoken from anyone, as if the massacre that shocked the world never happened,” the letter said.
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
FILE – A woman reacts during a candlelight vigil to mark the 28th anniversary of the crackdown of the pro-democracy movement at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, China June 4, 2017.
In his statement, Pompeo also said that on the anniversary “we remember the tragic loss of innocent lives,” adding that as Liu Xiaobo wrote in his 2010 Nobel Peace Prize speech, “the ghosts of June 4th have not yet been laid to rest.”
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
FILE – Liu Xia, wife of deceased Chinese Nobel Peace Prize-winning dissident Liu Xiaobo and other relatives attend his sea burial off the coast of Dalian, China, in this photo released by Shenyang Municipal Information Office July 15, 2017.
Liu was unable to receive his Nobel prize in person in 2010 and died in custody last year. The dissident writer played an influential role in the Tiananmen protests and was serving an 11-year sentence for inciting subversion of state power when he passed.
At a regular press briefing on Monday, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said China had lodged “stern representations” with the United States over the statement on Tiananmen.
“The United States year in, year out issues statements making ‘gratuitous criticism’ of China and interfering in China’s internal affairs,” Hua said. “The U.S. Secretary of State has absolutely no qualifications to demand the Chinese government do anything,” she added.
In a statement on Twitter, which is blocked in China like many websites, Hu Xijin, the editor of the party-backed Global Times, called the statement a “meaningless stunt.”
In another post he said: “what wasn’t achieved through a movement that year will be even more impossible to be realized by holding whiny commemorations today.”
Commemorations for Tiananmen are being held across the globe to mark the anniversary and tens of thousands are expected to gather in Hong Kong, the only place in China such large-scale public rallies to mark the incident can be held.
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
A man wipes the face of a statue of the Goddess of Democracy at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park Monday, June 4, 2018.
Exiled Tiananmen student protest leader Wu’Er Kaixi welcomed the statement from Pompeo.
However, he added that over the past 29 years western democracies appeasement of China has nurtured the regime into an imminent threat to freedom and democracy.
“The world bears a responsibility to urge China, to press on the Chinese regime to admit their wrongdoing, to restore the facts and then to console the dead,” he said. “And ultimately to answer the demands of the protesters 29 years ago and put China on the right track to freedom and democracy.”
Wu’er Kaixi fled China after the crackdown and now resides in Taiwan where he is the founder of Friends of Liu Xiaobo. The group recently joined hands with several other non-profit organizations and plans to unveil a sculpture in July — on the anniversary of his death — to commemorate the late Nobel laureate. The sculpture will be located near Taiwan’s iconic Taipei 101 skyscraper.
In Taiwan, the self-ruled democracy that China claims is a part of its territory, political leaders from both sides of the isle have also urged China’s communist leaders to face the past.
On Facebook, Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen noted that it was only by facing up to its history that Taiwan has been able to move beyond the tragedies of the past.
“If authorities in Beijing can face up to the June 4th incident and acknowledge that at its roots it was a state atrocity, the unfortunate history of June 4th could become a cornerstone for China to move toward freedom and democracy,” Tsai said.
Tsai’s predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, a member of the opposition Nationalist Party or KMT, who saw close ties with China while in office, also urged Beijing to face up to history and help heal families’ wounds.
“Only by doing this can the Chinese communists bridge the psychological gap between the people on both sides of the [Taiwan] Strait and be seen by the world as a real great power,” Ma said.
Bharat Darshan revisits the past on the 35th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre
Special Frontier Force is known by the study of its military mission
Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This badge represents a military alliance/pact between India, Tibet, and the United States of America. Its first combat mission was in the Chittagong Hill Tracts which unfolded on 03 November 1971. It was named Operation Eagle. It accomplished its mission of securing peace in the region that is now known as Republic of Bangladesh.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMAH; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.
The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967. While Special Frontier Force is a product of Cold War Era secret diplomacy, I share my personal story, the events from early childhood, that shaped the rest of my life and has formulated my bonding with this Organization and my desire to accomplish its military mission.
The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967
Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan belonged to Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai) and his daughter, Rukmini was married to the younger brother of my maternal grandfather, Dr. Kasturi. Narayana Murthy, M.D., who lived at 2/37 Kutchery Road in Mylapore. I was born in my grandfather’s residence. While I lived in Mylapore and later during my regular summer vacations spent in Madras City, I used to visit Dr. Radhakrishnan’s daughter’s residence daily. At that time, Dr. Radhakrishnan served as the first Vice President of India (1952-1962). I clearly remember the celebration of 2500th Birth Anniversary of Gautama Buddha on May 24, 1956, while I was in Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai). In India’s capital City of New Delhi, the celebration was attended by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. The Institution of Dalai Lama is the central focus of Tibetan Cultural Identity and Tibetan national character.
Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday (05 September) as Teacher’s Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter and the Indian President. He correctly predicted the need for military action to fight injustice and during his Presidency, India bravely resisted the Chinese aggression and thousands of Indian Army soldiers gave their precious lives to defend India. It inspired me to serve in the Indian Armed Forces to continue the task of opposing, and resisting the threat posed by Communist China.
India – Tibet Relations From 1950 to 1962:
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha (Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Because of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister Nehru to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche.
India achieved its full independence from the British rule on August 15, 1947. India became the Republic of India on January 26, 1950. Dr. Babu Rajendra Prasad became the first President of the Republic of India. The first general elections were held in 1952, and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who was at that time-serving as India’s ambassador to the Soviet Union, was elected as the first Vice President and he served a second term as the Vice President from 1957 to 1962. India witnessed a major military threat to its Himalayan frontier when the People’s Republic of China sent its army during October 1950 to occupy Tibet while Tibetans had no ability to resist such a massive, military invasion of their territory. Tibet tried to resolve the issue using diplomacy. Tibet requested India to bring the issue to the attention of the United Nations to adopt a resolution against the Communist invasion. At that time Tibet was still following the policy of political isolationism, and neutralism and was not recognized by the United Nations as a member nation. The United States was fighting the Korean War and was fully interested in preventing the spread of Communism in Asia. However, Tibet did not request for direct, US military intervention. India did not have the necessary military force of its own to intervene inside Tibet. At the same time, India also actively pursued its own policy of political neutralism that is known as the Nonaligned Movement to reduce the political tensions caused by the Cold War. India thought that the crisis in Tibet could be resolved by directly negotiating with China without involving the United Nations and without antagonizing its security interests in defending Kashmir from military aggression by Pakistan and its allies in the West. During 1951 Communist China had imposed a 17-Point Agreement on Tibet while Tibetans had no capacity to defend their rights; the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on 23rd May 1951 to take measures for the “Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” China started quoting this agreement to justify its illegal and unjust military occupation of Tibet. It must be clearly understood that the Great Fifth Dalai Lama founded the “Ganden Phodrang” Government of Tibet in 1642. The successive Dalai Lamas have headed the Tibetan State for nearly four centuries. Towards the end of the Qing Dynasty or Ching Dynasty, the Great 13th Dalai Lama declared Tibet’s Independence from Manchu China. From 1911 to 1950 – 39-Years, Tibet was an independent Nation before the creation of this political entity called The People’s Republic of China.
Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India’s President and Vice President. Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security.
Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security.India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honor the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet who is seen seated between Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi.
India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war.India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism.
The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Both India and Tibet desired friendly and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi during his visit to New Delhi in 1956. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai’s visit to New Delhi in 1956.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.
While Tibet tried its very best to please the Communist leaders of China, India had also pursued a similar policy to befriend China to address the problem of the military threat posed by the military occupation of Tibet. The “Panchsheela” Agreement of 1954 between India and People’s Republic of China recognizes Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, and India agreed to withdraw its very small, military presence in Tibet. India believed that China would grant full autonomy to Tibet and preserve the political, and cultural institutions of Tibet.
It must be noted that Tibet did not recognize or endorse the Panchsheela Agreement made by India and China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou En-Lai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad (first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left.
Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September/October 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping).Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping).The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan visited Peking during September/October 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.
The Origin of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22:
The need for the use of military force became inevitable after China made it abundantly clear that it would not negotiate its military occupation of Tibet and would not allow the traditional form of Tibetan Government as represented by the Institution of the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan Resistance Movement began with a very modest attempt to train some Tibetan nationals to fight the Chinese People’s Liberation Army that occupied Tibet.
1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010, was the first time that the US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang (Nepal) Operation.
During 1957 it became very clear that Communist China would not relax its military grip over Tibet, and the hopes for limited Tibetan autonomy evaporated. Both India, and Tibet had agreed to seek American military intervention, and it must be believed that India only wanted a covert, military operation to build and establish a Tibetan Resistance Movement to challenge and overthrow the Chinese military regime in Tibet. The climax of this Tibetan Resistance was during March 1959, and China using its vastly superior military power easily crushed this Tibetan Uprising. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had no choice; he and his close followers fled Tibet to seek political asylum in India.
The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.
India received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.
The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise if Tibet finds India as its natural ally.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama arrived in India on 31 March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles in the Tawang Sector of the North East Frontier Agency which is renamed as Arunachal Pradesh.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. Vice President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.
The 1962 India – China War:
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Prior to the 1962 India-China War, the Tibetan Resistance Movement had no permanent base in India. The War had forced India to strengthen the Tibetan Resistance Movement and provide it a permanent base within Indian territory. Indian Armed Forces played a major role in training the members of Special Frontier Force with financial, and technical assistance provided by the United States.
I must admit that the Chinese brutal attacks across the Himalayan frontier during October 1962 came as a shocking surprise to me and to most people all over India. To some extent, India, Tibet, and the United States had lacked the intelligence capabilities to know the intentions and the capabilities of their enemy. The costs of this 1962 War would be known if China takes courage and openly admits the numbers of its soldiers wounded, and killed in action. China paid a heavy price and had utterly failed to obtain legitimacy for its military occupation of Tibet.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The 1962 War between India and China paved the way towards a better understanding of India’s security concerns and the need for military alliance/pact with a friendly power like the United States to meet the challenge posed by Communist China. I appreciate Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for his idealistic views and aspiration to be known as a peacemaker. He finally recognized the need for a strong, well-equipped Army.
The 1962 War of Aggression launched by Communist China had a decisive influence on my personal life. I was a college student, and I was in the first year of my 3-year Bachelor of Science degree course. I felt a strong urge to join India’s Armed Forces to specifically address the military threat posed by China. The 1962 War was a conflict imposed by China to teach India a lesson. Later, official documents released by China describe that Chairman Mao Tse-Tung took punitive action to teach a lesson to India when it launched a massive war of retribution attacking Indian Army positions across the entire Himalayan frontier in October 1962. Chairman Mao Tse-Tung was angered by the support extended by India to Tibet to counter the military occupation. Chairman Mao resented India’s role in helping the covert operation of the Central Intelligence Agency and had called it an “Imperialist” conspiracy or plot against China. China had utterly failed to achieve its objectives and the War ended when China declared a unilateral ceasefire on November 21, 1962, and withdrew from the captured Himalayan territory. It should be noted that India did not request China to declare this ceasefire. India did not promise that it will withhold the support that it extends to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. The Secret White House Recordings of the US President John F Kennedy reveal that Kennedy had threatened to nuke China in 1962 and I must say that the threat achieved its purpose and had forced China to stop its military aggression and withdraw unilaterally without demanding any concessions from India, or Tibet.
The Birth of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22:
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.
President John F. Kennedy immediately responded to the Chinese attack on India. Apart from delivery of arms and ammunition, and other military supplies, American aircraft carried out photo missions over the Indo-Tibetan border. In a meeting held on November 19, 1962 at the White House, President Kennedy, Dean David Rusk (Secretary of State), Averell Harriman (Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs), Robert McNamara (Secretary of Defense), General Paul Adams (Chief of the US Strike Command), John Kenneth Galbraith (US Ambassador to India), John A McCone (Director of Central Intelligence Agency), Desmond Fitzgerald (the Far Eastern CIA Chief), James Critchfield (the Near East CIA Chief), John Kenneth Knaus (CIA’s Tibet Task Force), and David Blee (CIA Station Chief in New Delhi) had decided upon a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India which was initially named as Establishment No. 22 and later the name Special Frontier Force was added to describe the location of its headquarters in New Delhi.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to build a personal relationship between the leaders. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to Washington D.C.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. India withstood the attack by Communist China and it soon recovered from its wounds and regained its full confidence to engage China on the battlefield.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. India understood the need for better preparedness to fight future wars and decided to maintain its support to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, the Head of Tibetan nation who was granted political asylum in India.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan is seen speaking to news reporters during the 1962 War. India was not deterred by Chinese aggression and had boldly continued the support it extended to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.
The 1962 India-China War, a military conflict that was initiated by China accomplished the exact opposite of what China had planned to accomplish.
1. India became more firmly aligned with the United States discarding its original policy of political neutralism.
2. The level of cooperation between the Central Intelligence Agency and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW-The Intelligence Bureau of India) became greatly enhanced.
3. India started increasing its own defense-preparedness and strengthened its military capabilities to fight a future war with China.
4. India was not deterred by the Chinese attack and decided to substantially increase its involvement with the Tibetan Resistance Movement. India made the commitment to provide a permanent base to the Tibetan Resistance Movement apart from hosting the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.
5. India, Tibet, and the United States joined together in a military alliance/pact leading to the creation of the military organization called the Establishment No. 22 which is later formally named The Special Frontier Force to describe its official Headquarters in New Delhi.
President Radhakrishnan’s Historic Visit to The United States on June 03/04, 1963:
President John F. Kennedy is known to me for he founded the military organization called the Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment, in 1962 to secure Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in the occupied Land of Tibet. President Kennedy acted as a ‘True Neighbor’ of Tibet when he acted with compassion after recognizing the plight of helpless Tibetan people. The United States must reflect its true national values in the manner in which it treats its alien residents.
After the conclusion of the 1962 War with China, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s personal health demanded a serious attention and President Radhakrishnan performed the historical journey to the United States on June 03/04 to meet the US President John F. Kennedy to express India’s solidarity with the United States in promoting Peace and Democracy, and the visit displays the trust, and confidence placed by India in the future of their mutual military assistance, and cooperation. I am happy to share several photo images of that visit.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. The historic visit by President Radhakrishnan to affirm India’s friendly relationship with the United States in their policy towards China.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. President Radhakrishnan’s visit affirms the appreciation for American support during the 1962 India-China War.The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China.The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22-Vikas RegimentThe History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment is linked to the presidency of John F. Kennedy.
I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore residence after his retirement during 1967. At that time, both of us were not aware that the very first posting of my career in the Indian Armed Forces would be that of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 that was created during his presidency. In India, Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan is recognized as a teacher, philosopher, and a statesman. He is never described as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces. I was granted Commission to serve in the Indian Army at the pleasure of the President of India, and my posting order to serve as a Medical Officer in Establishment No. 22 – Special Frontier Force was issued under the authority of the Ministry of Defence which functions under the powers sanctioned by the President of India.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This photo image shows Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People’s Republic of China. I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore, Madras(Chennai) residence after completion of his term of presidency in 1967. He prefers to read while relaxing in his bed. This is the image, I still carry in my memory.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This is a photo image taken at Sarasawa airfield that proudly displays the National Flag of Tibet. Special Frontier Force is a living military organization that is facing its future with hope and encouragement from the United States, India, and Tibet.
“In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force trusts President Eisenhower
Whole Dude – Whole Trust: The beginning of the Cold War in Asia in 1949 with the Communist takeover of mainland China.
Excerpt: Both the US Government and the Central Intelligence Agency maintain their silence about the support given to the Tibetan Resistance Movement and the eventual creation of Establishment -22/Special Frontier Force, a military alliance/pact between the US, Tibet, and India to fight the military threat posed by Communist China when it occupied Tibet in 1950 and forced His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama to lead a life in exile. Indeed, that is the Whole Secret. The US, India and Tibet agreed to keep the US role in Tibet as a Secret and I signed a Declaration in Chakrata, India during September 1971 to keep the Tibet Operation as a Secret under the provisions of the Official Secret Acts of India.
Whole Dude – Whole Secret: The US military support to Tibet began during Hump Airlift Operation. I served at Dum Duma (Doom Dooma, Assam). Some flights delivered weapons and ammunition to Tibet. Special Frontier Force Reviews Hump Airlift Operation 1942 – 1945.TIBET AWARENESS – PROJECT CIRCUS. The quest for freedom in Tibet. A military training camp known as Camp Hale was established in Colorado under the supervision of CIA officers Roger E. McCarthy and John Reagan.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust.” The Tibetan Resistance Movement trusts President Eisenhower. Mutual Trust, Respect, and Commitment formulate the US-India-Tibet Relations.
On July 30, 1956, US President Eisenhower signs “In God We Trust” into Law. The same year, President Eisenhower initiated action in support of the Tibetan Resistance Movement which contributed to the creation of Special Frontier Force during the presidency of John F. Kennedy.
Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust.” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust, Respect, and Commitment formulate Relations between the US, India, and Tibet.
President Eisenhower signs “In God We Trust” into law On this day in 1956, two years after pushing to have the phrase “under God” inserted into the pledge of allegiance, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signs a law officially declaring “In God We Trust” to be the nation’s official motto. The law, P.L. 84-140, also mandated that the phrase be printed on all American paper currency. The phrase had been placed on U.S. coins since the Civil War when, according to the historical association of the United States Treasury, religious sentiment reached a peak. Eisenhower’s treasury secretary, George Humphrey, had suggested adding the phrase to paper currency as well.
Although some historical accounts claim Eisenhower was raised a Jehovah’s Witness, most presidential scholars now believe his family was Mennonite. Either way, Eisenhower abandoned his family’s religion before entering the Army and took the unusual step of being baptized relatively late in his adult life as a Presbyterian. The baptism took place in 1953, barely a year into his first term as president.
Although Eisenhower embraced religion, biographers insist he never intended to force his beliefs on anyone. In fact, the chapel-like structure near where he and his wife Mamie are buried on the grounds of his presidential library is called the “Place of Meditation” and is intentionally inter-denominational. At a Flag Day speech in 1954, he elaborated on his feelings about the place of religion in public life when he discussed why he had wanted to include “under God” in the pledge of allegiance: “In this way we are reaffirming the transcendence of religious faith in America’s heritage and future; in this way we shall constantly strengthen those spiritual weapons which forever will be our country’s most powerful resource in peace and war.”
The first paper money with the phrase “In God We Trust” was not printed until 1957. Since then, religious and secular groups have argued over the appropriateness and constitutionality of a motto that mentions “God,” considering the founding fathers’ dedication to maintaining the separation of church and state.
Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. CIA Director Allen Welsh Dulles forged Trust derived relationships.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. CIA Director Allen Welsh Dulles, and President John F. Kennedy promoted national interests forging relationships.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: Establishment No. 22 – Operation Eagle: This shoulder badge represents a military alliance/pact between India, Tibet, and the United States of America. Its first combat mission was in the Chittagong Hill Tracts which unfolded on 03 November 1971. It was named Operation Eagle. It accomplished its mission of securing peace in the region that is now known as Republic of Bangladesh.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: On June 03, 1972, His Holiness The 14th Dalai Lama visited Headquarters Establishment Number.22, C/O 56 APO to inspect the Tibetan soldiers who serve in the multinational military organization called Special Frontier Force. I served as the Medical Officer at this military Establishment and my duties required the verification of mental, and physical preparedness of all the men.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust in God is the Foundational Principle to formulate Foreign Relations.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust in God is the Foundational Principle to formulate Foreign Relations.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust in God is Foundational Principle to define Foreign Policy.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust is the Foundational Principle to define Relations.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Belief in God, and Trust in Leadership.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Trust survived the Test of Times.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower for his principled Belief in God.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower, his legacy reflects the value of Trust. Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower who initiated Trusting Partnership between the US, India, and Tibet.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. December 16, 1956, witnessed a trusting relationship. Vice President Richard M. Nixon is my Witness.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. December 16, 1956. The US-India-Tibet Relations endure reflecting Trust.Whole Dude – Whole Trust: “In God We Trust” – Special Frontier Force Trusts President Eisenhower. Relations derive Spiritual Strength from Belief in God.
Walong Will Never Fall AgainWalong Will Never Fall Again
Whole Dude – Whole Promise – Walong Will Never Fall Again
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again
This is my special tribute to Lohit River and I post this blog to remember my life’s journey; a journey from 1962 to 1972. During 1962, I was a student at Giriraj Government Arts College, Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh (now Telengana), India and I was studying in the First Year of a 3-Year Bachelor of Science Degree Course. During October 1962, when China attacked India across the Himalayan Frontier, Indian people spontaneously reacted condemning the act of Chinese aggression. It gave me a strong motivation to serve the country to defend the Northern Frontier. My dream came true during 1969 when I was granted Short Service Regular Commission to join the Indian Army Medical Corps.
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall AgainWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again
On completion of my basic military and professional training, I was deputed to Special Frontier Force and I had the proudest moment of my life when I visited the War Memorial in Walong, Lohit District, North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) during 1972. I got married during January 1973, while I was serving in the North East Frontier Agency and Lohit River is my witness to my Life’s Journey and Commitment.
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Walong War Memorial
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – LOHIT RIVER: Map of Anjaw District, Arunachal Pradesh State, India.
I am pleased to share an article titled ‘China opens new highway near Arunachal Pradesh Border’ written by Ananth Krishnan that was published in the HINDU on November 01, 2013. I had served in that area and the military organization in which I had served discouraged photography and I did not take photos of the natural scenery of that area. I would like to share some photo images published by http://GreenerPasturesInd.Wordpress.com and others, particularly the images of Lohit River that flows down the Anjaw District of Arunachal Pradesh.
The North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) was constituted in 1912-13. To settle the border between India and Tibet, Sir Henry McMahon, Secretary in the Indian Foreign Department represented Great Britain at a conference held in Simla during 1913-14. The Simla Accord or Simla Agreement between India, Tibet, and China resulted in the McMahon Treaty and the McMahon Line established the official border between India and Tibet. India after gaining her independence and after becoming an independent Republic has ratified the McMahon Treaty. People’s Republic of China which came into existence during 1949 had opposed this Treaty and had occupied Tibet during 1950 rejecting the status of Tibet of being an independent nation. The Communist China’s occupation of Tibet has posed a military threat to Peace and Democracy in Southeast Asia and Tibet’s Head of State, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama fled to India during March 1959 as a consequence of China’s repressive, brutal military actions. On August 26, 1959, in this northeast frontier sector, China’s People’s Liberation Army crossed the McMahon Line for the first time to capture an Indian border post. China abandoned this post during 1961 and launched a major offensive war during October 1962 attacking Indian Army positions in the entire North East Frontier Agency. Due to the firm intervention by the US President John F. Kennedy, China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew its forces from all the areas it had captured in the North East Frontier Agency. One of the consequences of this 1962 War of China’s Aggression on India was the creation of a military alliance/pact between India, Tibet, and the United States to defend the border and to challenge the military occupation of Tibet. This military pact/alliance has established a military organization called Establishment No. 22 which is later given the name of Special Frontier Force. I had served in Special Frontier Force along with Tibetan soldiers and we were defending North East Frontier Agency during that period of my military service. The North East Frontier Agency became Indian Union Territory and was named Arunachal Pradesh on January 20, 1972. The State of Arunachal Pradesh was formed on February 20, 1987.
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again
I arrived in Doom Dooma (Dum Duma) during February 1972 after my successful participation in the military action called ‘Operation Eagle’ which initiated the Liberation of Bangladesh on November 03, 1971 with attacks on Pakistan’s military border posts in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The United States had withdrawn its CIA personnel from our Organization prior to the launch of Operation Eagle. However, our military alliance/pact withstood the test of the times. In 1972, CIA contacted my Unit in North East Frontier Agency and requested us for our assistance to plant monitoring devices to record data from China’s underground nuclear tests in occupied Tibet. China’s occupation of Tibet, it claims for Indian territory and China’s military build up still pose a grave threat to Peace and Freedom in Southeast Asia.
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again.Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: I was based at Dum Duma (Doom Dooma) Airfield during 1972-73.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Lohit River enters the plains and flows as the Brahmaputra River.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: At the southern end of Lohit District, Lohit River enters the plains.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: The bridge near Parasuram Kund also known as Brahma Kund.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: This Border Road along Lohit River did not exist during 1972-73. I had the pleasure of trekking along this route.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Suspension Bridge across Lohit River.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: A Special Tribute to Lohit River.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: This bridge swings in the air and is commonly called “JHULA” which refers to the swing found in recreational parks and playgrounds.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Walong ValleyWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Parashuram KundWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: A view taken at Hayuliang.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Hayuliang-Walong Road.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River:Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River:Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River:Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall AgainWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Walong, Anjaw District.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Trip to KibithuWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Mishmi HillsWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: HayuliangWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: The Border Post at KibithuWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Lohit River near India – Tibet Border.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River:
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
SERVICE INFORMATION:
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again.Service Award presented by all Officers D Sector, Establishment 22 in January 1973.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again
R. Rudra Narasimham, B.Sc., M.B.B.S., Personal Numbers: MS-8466/MR-03277K, Rank: Major, Branch: Army Medical Corps/Short Service Regular Commission (1969-1972); Direct Permanent Commission (1973-1984). Designation:Medical Officer. Unit:Establishment No.22 (1971-1974)/South Column,Operation Eagle (1971-1972). Organization: Special Frontier Force.
Published in the HINDU: November 1, 2013 03:14 IST
BEIJING, November 1, 2013
China opens new highway near Arunachal Pradesh border
Ananth Krishnan
Nearly 1 billion Yuan project comes to light after seven failed attempts over the past 50 years
China on Thursday opened a new highway that links what the government has described as Tibet’s “last isolated county” – located near the border with Arunachal Pradesh – with the rest of the country and will now provide all-weather access to the strategically important region. Chinese state media have hailed the opening of the highway to Medog – which lies close to the disputed eastern section of the border with India – as a technological breakthrough, with the project finally coming to fruition after seven failed attempts over the past fifty years. China started attempting to build the highway to Medog – a landlocked county in Tibet’s Nyingchi prefecture – in the 1960s, according to State media reports, in the aftermath of the 1962 war with India. With Thursday’s opening of the road, every county in Tibet is now linked through the highway network, underlining the widening infrastructure gulf across the disputed border, even as India belatedly pushes forward an upgrading of border roads in more difficult terrain. The official Xinhua News Agency on Thursday described Medog as “the last roadless county in China”. Before this week, Medog was the only one of China’s 2,100 counties to remain isolated from the highway network, according to State broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV). What the project will do State media reports have focused on the development benefits that the project would bring and have sought to play down the strategic dimensions. Local officials said the road’s opening will bring down commodity prices and widen access to healthcare. The road will also provide access to the border county for nine months of the year. That the government was willing to spend as much as 950 million Yuan – or $ 155 million – on a 117-km highway, with ostensibly few economic returns expected, has underscored the project’s importance to State planners. Local officials said prior to the opening of the highway, reaching Medog required traversing the treacherous Galung La and Doxong La mountains at an altitude of 4,000 metres. With frequent landslides, the road was often rendered impassable. Now, the road will be accessible for “8 to 9 months per year, barring major natural disasters”, Ge Yutao, Communist Party head of the transportation department for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), told Xinhua. Work on the 117-km road began in 2009, a year after the project was given the green light by the State Council, or Cabinet. Renewed attention on infrastructure projects The opening of the road comes at a time when there has been renewed attention on infrastructure projects in border areas in India and China. Last week, both countries signed a Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Beijing, aimed at expanding confidence-building measures. The agreement calls for setting up channels of communication between military commands, increasing the number of border personnel meetings, and formalizing rules suchas no tailing of patrols, to build trust and avoid incidents. The agreement does not specify or limit either country’s plans to boost infrastructure – an issue that, analysts say, has in the past triggered tensions along the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC), most notably in April when a Chinese incursion sparked a three-week-long stand-off in Depsang, Ladakh. Han Hua, a South Asia scholar at Peking University, suggested in a recent interview that the “basic reason” for the incident was “too much construction” along the border. The Chinese side, she acknowledged, did not have to build closer to the disputed LAC because their infrastructure, as well as more favourable terrain enabled quicker mobilisation. “If we don’t have the overall collaboration of the military, policy-makers and decision-makers on both sides,” she said, “it will be difficult to avoid such incidents.” ‘India’s plans will not be limited’
The BDCA, Indian officials said, will not limit India’s plans to upgrade infrastructure. It recognises the principle of equal and mutual security, which allows either side to pursue its security in its own way. At the same time, officials say the BDCA will still help “regulate activity” along the border by opening up new channels of communication, even as the border continues to remain a matter of dispute. On Thursday, Chinese Defence Ministry spokesperson Yang Yujun told a regular press conference that military personnel would hold “regular meetings” and “make joint efforts” to maintain peace in border areas, following the signing of the BDCA. The agreement, he said according to a Xinhua report, “summarised good practices and experiences on the management of differences in China-India border areas”.
Keywords: Sino-Indian border, Arunachal-China border, infrastructure, Tibet Autonomous Region
Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: I was based at Doom Dooma or Dum Duma during 1972-73.Whole Dude – Whole Promise: Walong Will Never Fall Again. Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: Landscape of Anjaw DistrictWhole Dude – Whole Promise: Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: “WALONG WILL NEVER FALL AGAIN.”
Tibetans View Freedom as a Natural Condition, a Natural Law of their Land
Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom.
In my analysis, the Tibetan Resistance Movement can only be described as the Struggle for Natural Freedom. Tibetans resist military occupation of Tibet by a foreign invader for occupation totally undermines the Tibetan National Experience of Natural Freedom that defines the Land and its denizens. Freedom is not viewed as a Political Right. Tibetans cherish Freedom as a Nature’s Gift which no man has the power to trample upon.
Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom. A PLA air defense unit of the Tibet Military Command has recently held a drill at an area, 4,500 meters above the sea level, in Occupied Tibet. The live-fire drill aimed to improve air defense preparedness in complex weather conditions. (Photo: China News Service/Zhu Jian)Tibet Awareness. Military Power Seized Tibetan Freedom in 1950-51.Tibetans Struggle for Natural Freedom.
