DOOMED US – CHINA FOREIGN POLICY POSES THREAT TO REPUBLIC OF INDIA

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DOOMED US – CHINA FOREIGN POLICY POSES THREAT TO REPUBLIC OF INDIA

Republic of India since its birth got ensnared by Doomed US Foreign Policy. United States and UK support Pakistan to undermine India’s position and to balance the power and influence of Soviet Union/Russia. This poisonous policy has driven India to seek cooperation of Soviet Union/Russia as India is left with no alternative to neutralize Pakistan’s enhanced military power.

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To add insult to India’s injury, US cultivated relationship with Communist China using Pakistan. Dr. Henry Kissinger launched that illicit relationship during 1971 flying to Peking from Pakistan. China took full advantage of Pakistan’s relationship and is able to fully manipulate Pakistan outplaying the US influence. On Kashmir front, as of today, India is facing threat posed by three enemies; 1. US, 2. China, and 3. Pakistan.

My concern is not about UN Support for China’s Project. The real danger comes from Doomed US Foreign Policy.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

UN support China’s CPEC project passing through PoK puts India’s claim in jeopardy

Sunday, March 19, 2017
By: Hindustan Times

Source Link: Click Here

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A UN Security Council resolution has for the first time incorporated China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a multi-billion inter-continental connectivity mission that has a flagship project passing through Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK).

The resolution, which extends an ongoing UN assistance mission to Afghanistan, says international efforts should be strengthened to implement the BRI, President Xi Jinping’s legacy project about which he first spoke in 2013.

Beijing claims it has rounded up at least 100 countries in BRI’s support, including Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

India is yet to sign up for the initiative. Foreign secretary S Jaishankar spelt it out to the Chinese government in February that India has a “sovereignty” issue with the BRI because its flagship project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), passes through PoK. According to diplomats, India endorsing the BRI would mean giving up its claims on PoK.

The UN endorsing the BRI could complicate the situation as far as India’s claims are concerned.

The resolution in question renewed the mandate of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan for one year. In it, the 15-nation UN body urged to promote security and stability in Afghanistan and the region “to create a community of shared future for mankind”.

“Also included in the newly adopted council resolution was China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to build a trade and infrastructure network connecting Asia with Europe and Africa along the ancient trade routes,” official news agency Xinhua reported.

The resolution “welcomes and urges further efforts to strengthen the process of regional economic cooperation, including measures to facilitate regional connectivity, trade and transit, including through regional development initiatives such as the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road (the Belt and Road) Initiative”.

The council resolution urged “further international efforts to strengthen regional cooperation and implement the Belt and Road Initiative”.

Besides the BRI, the resolution also mentions other projects like “regional development projects, such as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline project, the Central Asia South Asia Electricity Transmission and Trade Project, the Chabahar port project agreed between Afghanistan, India and the Islamic Republic of lran”.

China has taken the inclusion of BRI in a UN resolution as a diplomatic victory of sorts.

Liu Jieyi, the Chinese permanent representative to the UN, told reporters here that the “Chinese concept was put into a Security Council resolution for the first time on Friday, thus showing the consensus of the international community on embracing the concept, and manifesting huge Chinese contributions to the global governance”.

“The Chinese envoy said that latest council move is conducive to creating a favourable atmosphere for China to host a Belt and Road forum for international cooperation in Beijing this May in order to brainstorm on interconnected development,” Xinhua reported.

Liu also said he hoped that all “UN member states will take an active part in the joint efforts to carry out the Chinese initiative and the Chinese concept by implementing the new council resolution. Resolutions adopted by the Security Council are legally binding”.

TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT – A DAY TO REMEMBER – MARCH 10, 1959

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TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT – A DAY TO REMEMBER – MARCH 10, 1959

TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT – A DAY TO REMEMBER – MARCH 10, 1959.

Tibetans remember March 10, 1959 as Tibetan National Uprising Day. Tibetans are not asking for “SEPARATION” from Red China. Tibetans claim that Tibet is Never Part of China. The issue of concern is illegal Occupation of Tibet. The purpose of Tibetan Resistance Movement is that of resisting illegal Occupation and to Evict Occupier of Tibet.

Tibetan Resistance Movement. A Day to Remember, March 10, 1959.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

This Day In History: 03/10/1959 – Rebellion in Tibet

1959

Rebellion in Tibet

TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT. A DAY TO REMEMBER, MARCH 10, 1959. TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING DAY.
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    History.com Staff

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On this day in 1959, Tibetans band together in revolt, surrounding the summer palace of the Dalai Lama in defiance of Chinese occupation forces.

China’s occupation of Tibet began nearly a decade before, in October 1950, when troops from its People’s Liberation Army (PLA) invaded the country, barely one year after the Communists gained full control of mainland China. The Tibetan government gave into Chinese pressure the following year, signing a treaty that ensured the power of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the country’s spiritual leader, over Tibet’s domestic affairs. Resistance to the Chinese occupation built steadily over the next several years, including a revolt in several areas of eastern Tibet in 1956. By December 1958, rebellion was simmering in Lhasa, the capital, and the PLA command threatened to bomb the city if order was not maintained.

The March 1959 uprising in Lhasa was triggered by fears of a plot to kidnap the Dalai Lama and take him to Beijing. When Chinese military officers invited His Holiness to visit the PLA headquarters for a theatrical performance and official tea, he was told he must come alone, and that no Tibetan military bodyguards or personnel would be allowed past the edges of the military camp. On March 10, 300,000 loyal Tibetans surrounded Norbulingka Palace, preventing the Dalai Lama from accepting the PLA’s invitation. By March 17, Chinese artillery was aimed at the palace, and the Dalai Lama was evacuated to neighboring India. Fighting broke out in Lhasa two days later, with Tibetan rebels hopelessly outnumbered and outgunned. Early on March 21, the Chinese began shelling Norbulingka, slaughtering tens of thousands of men, women and children still camped outside. In the aftermath, the PLA cracked down on Tibetan resistance, executing the Dalai Lama’s guards and destroying Lhasa’s major monasteries along with thousands of their inhabitants.

China’s stranglehold on Tibet and its brutal suppression of separatist activity has continued in the decades following the unsuccessful uprising. Tens of thousands of Tibetans followed their leader to India, where the Dalai Lama has long maintained a government-in-exile in the foothills of the Himalayas.

 

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959 – TRIBUTE TO PHOTOGRAPHER JIGME TARING

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Remembering historical events of March 10, 1959, I am very happy to share J. Norbu’s tribute to

Tibetan Official Photographer Jigme Taring.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

Doom Dooma Doomsayer

THE MYSTERY OF THE MARCH 10 PHOTOGRAPHER

By J. Norbu

 
Last year, when putting together the March 10th Memorial website, a major problem I encountered was obtaining photographs and film footage for this critical period in our modern history. Three black-&-white photographs

were all there was of the public demonstration on the morning of March 10th.

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959. TRIBUTE TO TIBETAN OFFICIAL PHOTOGRAPHER JIGME TARING.

Possibly the most reproduced of these three photos is that of the enormous crowd gathered before the eastern gate of the Norbulingka palace. A snow lion statue is in the right foreground with the scene extending back to somewhere near the Chango bridge on the Norbulingka–Lhasa road.

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959. TRIBUTE TO TIBETAN OFFICIAL PHOTOGRAPHER JIGME TARING.

The second photo gives us an even further view of the crowd and shows people from Lhasa streaming to joining the gathering. You also get a glimpse of the Chakpori in the distance. The third photo is disturbing. We have a partial view of the mutilated body of Phakpala Khenchung Sonam Gyaltsen behind one of the two snow lion statues in front of the main gate, surrounded by people brandishing daggers, swords and even a hatchet.

 

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Tibetan Official Photographer Jigme Taring.

A few of the people are looking up at the photographer who evidently took his picture from one of the two squarish turrets on either side of the main gate, most likely the one on the right as the head of the snow-lion is turned to the left. All three photographs have most likely been taken by the same photographer as the vantage point of all three images appear to be the same.

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Tibetan Official Photographer Jigme Taring.

My guess is that the photographer was probably Jigme Taring. The people knew him as the Dalai Lama’s official photographer and perhaps that’s why don’t appear particularly hostile to him. We know the public was otherwise very angry, even violent that day. Of course, we cannot be certain that Taring took these photographs, but so far, I have not come across any mention of another official in the Norbulingka that day who might have taken these photographs.

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Tibetan Official Photographer Jigme Taring.

It is further possible that Jigme Taring also took the two photographs we have of the women’s demonstrations before the Potala Palace at the Dribu Yukhai Thang (where government barley was threshed).

 

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Tibetan Official Photographer Jigme Taring.

Photo of Jigme Taring shooting a cine-camera, with his still-camera and flash by his side. Photo by Chen Zonglie, Xinhua News Agency.

Jigme Taring was in and out of Norbulingka in the subsequent days, but during the night of the artillery barrage and the next day of the PLA attack he was inside the Summer Palace. It is therefore more than possible that the color images below of armed Tibetan volunteer fighters inside and outside the Norbulingka walls were taken by Jigme Taring. These scenes were shot on color film, most probably on the “official” cine-camera that Jigme Taring had earlier used to film the Dalai Lama’s Geshe examinations.

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to photographer Jigme Taring. H.H. The Dalai Lama at his Geshe examination.

The Dalai Lama debating at his Geshe examination. From the official film shot by Jigme Taring.

He had probably used what was left of his color film stock to record the scenes at the Norbulingka. We now know that in the chaos Taring left the cine-camera behind in Norbulingka with a young official, and it is almost certain that the Chinese later obtained the camera and film. Some of the footage taken by Taring later appeared (in black& white) in the Chinese propaganda film Putting Down the Rebellion in Tibet. The Chinese Propaganda Department was then using black and white film, and only a few years later used color film for their documentary, By The Lhasa River. The color footage of the Taring film have also appeared in other documentaries and are probably now available somewhere in Beijing.

The following images are screenshots taken off a video made from the color film. In the first image the person sitting in the foreground, right, looks very much like a young Juchen Thupten Namgyal of Derge, who in his 22 volume (!) autobiography mentions that he was a volunteer defender at the Norbulingka.

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to photographer Jigme Taring.
Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to photographer Jigme Taring.
Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to photographer Jigme Taring.
Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to photographer Jigme Taring.

We cannot be sure but the next three images are possibly scenes inside and outside the Norbulingka. The neat walls in the second and third image could be the outer wall of the Norbulingka and the yellow wall in the fourth image could be that of the interior compound, which was traditionally painted yellow.

The Chinese also shot some black & white footage of Tibetan volunteers outside the Norbulingka though it was understandably taken from a distance. A Chinese journalist Shan Chao [1] accompanied some PLA officers in a convoy of three armored cars on Monday the 16th to survey the trenches and fortifications the “rebels” were building at the northern end of the Norbulingka. A cameraman from the propaganda department recorded the scene on film.

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Photographer Jigme Taring.
Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Photographer Jigme Taring.

In conclusion, I would like to dedicate this post to the memory of Jigme Taring – photographer and man of courage. In March 1959, he went to the Norbulingka to serve and protect the Dalai Lama and remained there through the period of the Dalai Lama’s escape, and during the subsequent fighting. In his autobiography, the monk official (tsedrung) Tenpa Soepa [2] mentions meeting Jigme Taring during an intense artillery bombardment.

Taring Dzasak who asked me for help, and we went inside the Phodrang Sarpa (New Palace). All the window panes were broken and the floor was filled with shards of glass. Taring Dzasak took out a (cine?) camera and a few rolls of film from a room below the Phodrang and said, pointing his gun to his head said, ‘Let’s get going, If worse comes to worst, this is the way’. He clearly meant that if nothing worked, we would have to take our own lives. As we came out of the Phodrang, a shell landed near us and exploded; when the smoke cleared, Taring Dzasak was nowhere to be seen.”

Remembering March 10, 1959. Tribute to Photographer Jigme Taring.

According to Mrs. Taring [1] her husband told her (in exile) that he had taken the official cine-camera from the Dalai Lama’s palace and shot scenes of the fighting and artillery bombardments. He then gave the camera to a junior official to look after, but never met him again. He then took a rifle from an official who did not know how to handle it and joined in the fighting. Finally, he and a soldier, Pasang Thondup, attempted to escape. “To avoid being tortured by the Chinese they made a pact that if either of them was hit by a shell, then the injured one should be shot dead by the other.” But both of them managed to escape. “His only possessions when he fled was a camera, some film, a pair of binoculars and a revolver.”

On his way, south he was stopped by Chushigangdruk fighters but convinced them that he was Taring Dzasak and that the photographs in his camera were invaluable and should reach the Dalai Lama. They let him go. This camera was most likely his still camera with which he took the three black-&-white photographs (and the women’s rally photos) discussed at the beginning of this article – which have immeasurably benefited our history and struggle.

Notes:

[1] Tenpa Soepa, 20 Years of My Life in China’s Death Camp, Author House, Bloomington IN, 2008, p.30

[2] Shan Chao, “Sunshine After Rain: From a Lhasa Diary”, Peking Review May 5, 1959 No:18, Special Tibet Number.

 Dolma

[3] Rinchen Taring, Daughter of Tibet, John Murray, London, 1970. p.297-298

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959.

 

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959.
 

 

REMEMBERING MARCH 10, 1959 – TRIBUTE TO PHOTOGRAPHER JIGME TARING

Posted on Updated on

 

THE MYSTERY OF THE MARCH 10 PHOTOGRAPHER
By J. Norbu
Last year, when putting together the March 10th Memorial website, a major problem I encountered was obtaining photographs and film footage for this critical period in our modern history. Three black-&-white photographs were all there was of the public demonstration on the morning of March 10th.
Possibly the most reproduced of these three photos is that of the enormous crowd gathered before the eastern gate of the Norbulingka palace. A snow lion statue is in the right foreground with the scene extending back to somewhere near the Chango bridge on the Norbulingka–Lhasa road.

The second photo gives us an even further view of the crowd and shows people from Lhasa streaming to joining the gathering. You also get a glimpse of the Chakpori in the distance. The third photo is disturbing. We have a partial view of the mutilated body of Phakpala Khenchung Sonam Gyaltsen behind one of the two snow lion statues in front of the main gate, surrounded by people brandishing daggers, swords and even a hatchet

t.

A few of the people are looking up at the photographer who evidently took his picture from one of the two squarish turrets on either side of the main gate, most likely the one on the right as the head of the snow-lion is turned to the left. All three photographs have most likely been taken by the same photographer as the vantage point of all three images appear to be the same.

My guess is that the photographer was probably Jigme Taring. The people knew him as the Dalai Lama’s official photographer and perhaps that’s why don’t appear particularly hostile to him. We know the public was otherwise very angry, even violent that day. Of course, we cannot be certain that Taring took these photographs, but so far, I have not come across any mention of another official in the Norbulingka that day who might have taken these photographs.

It is further possible that Jigme Taring also took the two photographs we have of the women’s demonstrations before the Potala Palace at the Dribu Yukhai Thang (where government barley was threshed)

.

Photo of Jigme Taring shooting a cine-camera, with his still-camera and flash by his side. Photo by Chen Zonglie, Xinhua News Agency.

Jigme Taring was in and out of Norbulingka in the subsequent days, but during the night of the artillery barrage and the next day of the PLA attack he was inside the Summer Palace. It is therefore more than possible that the color images below of armed Tibetan volunteer fighters inside and outside the Norbulingka walls were taken by Jigme Taring. These scenes were shot on color film, most probably on the “official” cine-camera that Jigme Taring had earlier used to film the Dalai Lama’s Geshe examinations.

The Dalai Lama debating at his Geshe examination. From the official film shot by Jigme Taring.

He had probably used what was left of his color film stock to record the scenes at the Norbulingka. We now know that in the chaos Taring left the cine-camera behind in Norbulingka with a young official, and it is almost certain that the Chinese later obtained the camera and film. Some of the footage taken by Taring later appeared (in black& white) in the Chinese propaganda film Putting Down the Rebellion in Tibet. The Chinese Propaganda Department was then using black and white film, and only a few years later used color film for their documentary, By The Lhasa River. The color footage of the Taring film have also appeared in other documentaries and are probably now available somewhere in Beijing.

The following images are screenshots taken off a video made from the color film. In the first image the person sitting in the foreground, right, looks very much like a young Juchen Thupten Namgyal of Derge, who in his 22 volume (!) autobiography mentions that he was a volunteer defender at the Norbulingka.

We cannot be sure but the next three images are possibly scenes inside and outside the Norbulingka. The neat walls in the second and third image could be the outer wall of the Norbulingka and the yellow wall in the fourth image could be that of the interior compound, which was traditionally painted yellow.

The Chinese also shot some black & white footage of Tibetan volunteers outside the Norbulingka though it was understandably taken from a distance. A Chinese journalist Shan Chao [1] accompanied some PLA officers in a convoy of three armored cars on Monday the 16th to survey the trenches and fortifications the “rebels” were building at the northern end of the Norbulingka. A cameraman from the propaganda department recorded the scene on film.

In conclusion, I would like to dedicate this post to the memory of Jigme Taring – photographer and man of courage. In March 1959, he went to the Norbulingka to serve and protect the Dalai Lama and remained there through the period of the Dalai Lama’s escape, and during the subsequent fighting. In his autobiography, the monk official (tsedrung) Tenpa Soepa [2] mentions meeting Jigme Taring during an intense artillery bombardment.

Taring Dzasak who asked me for help, and we went inside the Phodrang Sarpa (New Palace). All the window panes were broken and the floor was filled with shards of glass. Taring Dzasak took out a (cine?) camera and a few rolls of film from a room below the Phodrang and said, pointing his gun to his head said, ‘Let’s get going, If worse comes to worst, this is the way’. He clearly meant that if nothing worked, we would have to take our own lives. As we came out of the Phodrang, a shell landed near us and exploded; when the smoke cleared, Taring Dzasak was nowhere to be seen.”

According to Mrs. Taring [1] her husband told her (in exile) that he had taken the official cine-camera from the Dalai Lama’s palace and shot scenes of the fighting and artillery bombardments. He then gave the camera to a junior official to look after, but never met him again. He then took a rifle from an official who did not know how to handle it and joined in the fighting. Finally, he and a soldier, Pasang Thondup, attempted to escape. “To avoid being tortured by the Chinese they made a pact that if either of them was hit by a shell, then the injured one should be shot dead by the other.” But both of them managed to escape. “His only possessions when he fled was a camera, some film, a pair of binoculars and a revolver.”

On his way, south he was stopped by Chushigangdruk fighters but convinced them that he was Taring Dzasak and that the photographs in his camera were invaluable and should reach the Dalai Lama. They let him go. This camera was most likely his still camera with which he took the three black-&-white photographs (and the women’s rally photos) discussed at the beginning of this article – which have immeasurably benefited our history and struggle.

Notes:

[1] Tenpa Soepa, 20 Years of My Life in China’s Death Camp, Author House, Bloomington IN, 2008, p.30

[2] Shan Chao, “Sunshine After Rain: From a Lhasa Diary”, Peking Review May 5, 1959 No:18, Special Tibet Number.

Dolma

[3] Rinchen Taring, Daughter of Tibet, John Murray, London, 1970. p.297-298

 

PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH

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PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH

Rani Padmini - Her Essence and Her Existence. She had defended her essence and had destroyed her physical existence and her essence still lives in the heart of Indians and gives them a sense of pride. She had declared her Victory over Death.
Rani Padmini – Her Essence and Her Existence. She defends her Essence by destroying her physical existence. Rani Padmini’s Essence lives in the heart of Indians giving them  Sense of Pride. I am Proud to be Indian for Rani Padmini’s  Victory over Death.

Rani Padmini of Chittorgarh is Living Symbol of Indian National Character that makes me Proud to be an Indian. This Cultural Icon of India cannot be tarnished by fiction writers who have no concern for Historical Facts.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

RANI PADMINI AND ALAUDDIN KHILJI: SEPARATING FACT FROM FICTION

SWARAJYA

RAM OHRI
Jan 28, 2017, 6:35 pm

PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH

If reports are to be believed, filmmaker Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s next, Padmavati, is based on Malik Muhammad Jayasi’s poem Padmavat.

Jayasi’s poem about Padmini and Khilji, however, does not have a historical basis.

Historians have some understanding of what may have happened in that fateful chapter of the lives of Rani Padmini and Alauddin Khilji.

After Bajirao Mastani, director Sanjay Leela Bhansali is making another period drama film, Padmavati, this time about Rani Padmini, the queen of Chittorgarh, and Alauddin Khilji, the ruler of Delhi. According to media reports, the film will feature a love story between Padmini and Khilji.

The popular story says that when Khilji attacked Chittor, he fell for Padmini on seeing her reflection in the mirror. This story was woven by a well-known Indian poet, Malik Muhammad Jayasi, in 1540 AD, and finds echo in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Discovery of India as well.

Jayasi’s poem about Padmini and Khilji, however, is not accurate. Historians have, in fact, come up with possible scenarios for what could have actually happened.

According to Jayasi’s poem Padmavat, Rani Padmavati of Chittor was the wife of Raja Ratansen (a name invented by Jayasi with no reference in Mewar history) of Chittor during the reign of Alauddin Khilji. The correct name of Chittor’s then ruler was Rawal Ratan Singh, the thirty-fourth descendant of Bappa Rawal.

What Jayasi’s poem says

There were many talented artists in the court of Ratansen, one of whom was a musician named Raghava Chetan. He was a sorcerer who used his magical powers to target rivals. Once, he was caught red-handed while trying to invoke evil spirits, after which Ratansen banished Raghava from the kingdom after blackening his face. Raghava ran away to Delhi and decided to take revenge by provoking Khilji to attack Chittor.

Raghava knew of a forest near Delhi where Khilji went hunting. One day, he played his flute while Khilji was out hunting. The alluring notes emanating from his flute attracted the attention of Khilji, who then asked his soldiers to fetch the flute player. Thus, Raghava was taken to Khilji’s court.

After reaching Delhi, Raghava told Khilji about the unparalleled beauty of Rani Padmini. That prompted Khilji to attack Chittor, but he found the fort to be heavily defended. So, he laid siege to the fort and forced Ratansen to negotiate with him.

Desperate to capture the beautiful Padmini, Khilji sent a word to Ratansen about him wanting to meet her. The Raja asked Padmini, who flatly refused. However, on being persuaded by her beleaguered husband, Rani Padmini agreed to let Khilji see her in the mirror.

rani-padmini-the-palace

The palace on the right is where Padmini is supposed to have stood. (Sanjeev Nayyar)

Next, Khilji entered the fort with a group of select warriors who had observed the fort’s defenses on their way to the palace. On seeing Padmini in the mirror, Khilji decided that she must be his.

PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. THE MIRROR.
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. THE MIRROR.

The mirror in Chittor in which Khilji is said to have seen Padmini’s reflection (Sanjeev Nayyar)

While returning to his camp, Khilji deceitfully kidnapped Ratansen and took him as prisoner. Thereafter, he informed the Rajput Sardars that Padmini should be handed over to him if they wanted to see their king alive.

The Rajput generals, led by two gutsy warriors, Gora and Badal, who were related to Padmini, decided to beat Khilji at his game. They sent out a word that Padmini would be handed over the next morning.

At the crack of dawn, 150 palanquins (in which royal ladies were carried in medieval times) left the fort and made their way to Khilji’s camp. The palanquins stopped before a tent where King Ratansen was held prisoner. To his surprise, armed Rajputs jumped out from the palanquins, freed Ratansen and galloped away to Chittor, riding the horses grabbed from Khilji’s stable.

Khilji was furious. He ordered the army to storm Chittorgarh. However, the army could not break into the fort. Due to a prolonged siege, food supplies for the troops were running out. So Ratansen opened the fort gates, and Rajputs rode out to fight. They were overpowered, and achieved martyrdom. Rani Padmini and wives of thousands of warriors preferred jauhar (fire is lit, and women jump into the flames) over losing their honor to Khilji’s army.

PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH.
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. THE PLACE OF JAUHAR.

Place in Chittor where jauhar was committed (Sanjeev Nayyar)

When Khilji entered the fort, all that he found were ashes of these brave women. Their sacrifice has been kept alive by Bards in their songs, where they praise women who preferred supreme sacrifice to dishonor.

When this author visited Chittorgarh Fort in 2008 and asked the guide about the veracity of the mirror story, he said locals did not believe in it.

Having learnt what Jayasi’s poem says, let us now read what the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan’s book on Indian History says.

In January 1303, Khilji set out on his memorable campaign for the conquest of Chittor. He received strong resistance from the Rajputs under Rana Ratan Singh. The Rajputs offered heroic resistance for about seven months and then, after the women had perished in the flames of jauhar, the fort surrendered on August 26, 1303.

Whilst later writers like Abu-l Fazl, Haji-ud-Dabir (note these two authors use Padmini not as a name, but as a woman possessing special attributes) have accepted the story that the sole reason for invasion of Chittor was Khilji’s desire to get possession of Padmini, many modern writers are inclined to reject it altogether. They point out that the episode of Padmini was first mentioned by Malik Jayasi in 1540 A.D. in his poem Padmavat, which is a romantic tale rather than historical work. Further, the later day writers who reproduced the story with varying details, flourished long after the event, but their versions differed from one another on essential points.

Yarn 2 by Jayasi

In Padmavat, Jayasi wrote that Padmini was the daughter of Raja Gandharva Sen of Sri Lanka. The Lanka story has many contradictions.

1) The name Raja Gandharva Sen is nowhere found in Sinhalese history. The then Buddhist rulers of Lanka had contacts mainly with the Pandya kings of Tamil Nadu and none with Rajputana. The names of Lanka rulers at the time were Vijayabahu III (1220-24), Bhuvanaikabahu I (1281-83), Interregnum (1283-1302) and Vijayabahu V (1325-26 to 1344-45).

Instead, there is a strong possibility that Padmini was a princess of Jaisalmer or of Sinhala, a village near Sojat in Pali district of Rajasthan. In the history of Rajasthan, there are many references which indicate that Rani Padmini was the eleventh wife of Rawal Ratan Singh among his fifteen wives, as polygamy was prevalent among Rajput rulers then. There is, however, no confirmation of her father being Rana Salsi Tanwar as written in the book The Kingdom of Mewar by Irmgard
Meininger, a German author.

2) In Padmavat, there is a reference to a parrot who flew all the way from Sri Lanka to Chittor as a messenger to inform Raja Ratansen, or Rawal Ratan Singh, about the beauty of Padmini, daughter of the Sinhala ruler Gandharvasen, making Ratansen travel all the way to the Sinhala kingdom to win the hand of Padmini. This narrative lacks credibility since Lanka never had a king by that name.

3) Jayasi wrote this poem almost 237 years after Khilji’s attack on Chittor. The literature of that era is full of highly imaginative narratives, and poets were known to gleefully use metaphors, alliterations and imaginary personifications. There is also a reference in Padmavat to a sorcerer called Raghav Chetan, who is believed to have been personified as a parrot.

Contradictions in Jayasi’s poem

Amir Khusro, the court poet of Khilji, who accompanied him during the Chittor attack, did not write about Padmini, nor did he allude any episode to her in his book Twarikh-e-Allai. To be fair, it is possible that Khusro might not have wanted to further spoil the image of Khilji. So, he ignored the reference to Padmini. “According to Prof Habib, there is a covert allusion to Padmini episode by Khusro in his Khazain-ul-Fatuh, where he mentions the Queen of Sheba.”

Equally important is the fact that Col James Tod did not refer to Khilji’s desire to capture the beautiful Padmini in his book The Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan.

There are many instances in history when court poets and writers have followed the instructions of the ruling kings, and wrote histories accordingly. For instance, the book Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazal, where he was instructed not to write about Mehrunissa’s — later known as Nur Jahan, wife of Mughal King Jahangir — first marriage with an Afghan Pathan. However, there is a mention of her in Tuzuk-e-Jahangari as his beloved, and how his father had cheated on him.

It would not be wrong to say that Jayasi’s poem Padmavat is a figment of his poetic imagination. “It has also been argued that the invasion of Chittor was the natural expansionist policy of Khilji and no Padmini was need for his casus belli“.

The story of Khilji watching Padmini’s reflection in a mirror, or in a well, as stated in Discovery of India by Pandit Nehru, could have been based on a latter-day interpolation by some local poets. It could also be a phony myth popularized by some imaginative storytellers.

Having questioned the motive for Khilji’s invasion of Chittor, “it should be remembered that Khilji’s lust for a Hindu queen is proved by the known instances of Queen Kamala Devi of Gujarat and the daughter of King Ramachandra of Devagiri. The story of Padmini should not be totally rejected as a myth. But it is impossible, at the present state of knowledge, to regard it definitely as a historical fact”.

In Bajirao Mastani, Bhansali told audiences what a brave general Bajirao Peshwa was. It prompted Col (retired) Anil Athale to write ‘Why Bajirao is India’s greatest cavalry general‘. Having assuaged Maratha pride, Bhansali got away with some historical distortions.

In Padmavati, Bhansali is trying to do a balancing act and be secular. Thus, he might tell audiences how romantic the Sultan of Delhi was, that his love for Padmini was as pure as the holy water of Zamzama, and the sexual conquest of beautiful Hindu queens was the last thing on his mind.

According to a report in the Indian Express, it is alleged by Rajput protesters that Bhansali has deliberately added a dream sequence in his movie which shows Khilji embracing and kissing Padmini, which is an affront to the honor and name of Rani Padmini. It is also a slur on the valor of thousands of Hindu Veeranganas who preferred to die by fire rather than submit to the lust of barbaric invaders.

Bhansali might take refuge under the excuse that the film is based on the poem Padmavat, whose historical significance is unconfirmed. But in the poem, there is no mention of the so-called dream sequence. Ultimately, Bhansali might change the name of the movie, like he did with Goliyon ki Raasleela Ram-Leela. Will it satisfy the nationalists?

Either way, the movie will attract protest like we saw in Jaipur recently. A few things for sure — it will get free publicity, be discussed on prime-time television and become the next battleground between the nationalists and votaries of selective freedom of speech.

References

1. Volume 6 of the History and Culture and Indian People, published by the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, p 23

2. Rani Padmini – a legendary beauty

3. The Indian Express, 28 January 2017, p 11

RAM OHRI

Ram Ohri is a former IPS officer and writes regularly on security issues, demographics, and occasionally, on policy.

PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. RANA RATAN SINGH PALACE.
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. RANA RATAN SINGH PALACE.
PROUD TO BE INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. PADMINI MAHAL.
PROUD TO BE INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. PADMINI MAHAL.
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN - THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. VIEW OF CORRIDOR AT PADMINI PALACE.
PROUD TO BE AN INDIAN – THE LEGACY OF RANI PADMINI OF CHITTORGARH. VIEW OF CORRIDOR AT PADMINI PALACE.
Essence and Existence- Indians express their Essence in the manner they exist. Rani Padmini of Chittorgarh had expressed her essence as a moral, and spiritual being by ending her physical existence. Sanskrit is the Cultural tool that Indians use to define their Essence.
Essence and Existence- Indians express their Essence in the manner they Exist. Rani Padmini of Chittorgarh expresses her Essence of Moral, and Spiritual Being by ending her physical existence. Sanskrit is the Cultural tool that Indians use to define their Essence. Rani Padmini is Living Symbol of Indian National Character.

 

MARCH OF TIME – INDIA CELEBRATES 68th REPUBLIC DAY

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MARCH OF TIME – INDIA CELEBRATES 68th REPUBLIC DAY

Special Frontier Force does not participate in Republic Day Parade on Raj path, New Delhi. I am pleased to extend Republic Day Greetings to all of my readers.

Rudranarasimham, Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

68th Republic Day: A celebration of firsts

January 26, 2017

 

1/768th Republic Day

As India showcased its defense capabilities and rich cultural heritage on the 68th Republic Day, here’s a look at some of the firsts in this year’s celebrations. (TOI photo)

2/7UAE Presidential Guard

The highlight of this year’s parade was a 149-member UAE Presidential Guard comprising servicemen in the Air Force, the Navy and Army. Led by a UAE band consisting of 35 musicians, the contingent marched on the Rajpath and presented a ceremonial salute to the President of India. (TOI photo)

3/7NSG contingent

For the first time, a contingent of the National Security Guard (NSG), popularly known as the Black Cat Commandos, participated in the Republic Day parade. (TOI photo)

4/7Tejas Aircraft

The parade witnessed the fly-past of three LCA Tejas Aircraft flying at a height of 300 meters from ground in ‘Vic’ formation. (Image courtesy: SpokespersonMoD/Twitter)


5/7Indigenous Defence technology

IAF aircraft equipped with the indigenous Airborne Early Warning & Control System (AEW&C) developed by DRDO also flew past. (TOI photo)

6/7GST Tableau

A tableau displaying objectives and benefits of Goods and Services Tax (GST) was also showcased during the parade. GST, which aims to subsume a multitude of taxes, is the single biggest tax reform initiative undertaken since Independence.

7/7Tricolour on Burj Khalifa, Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Burj Khalifa, the world’s tallest building located in Dubai, will be lit up in the colors of the Indian National flag on Wednesday and Thursday to celebrate India’s 68th Republic Day. (Image courtesy: Burj Khalifa/Twitter)

 

Copyright © 2016 Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd. All rights reserved.

Inserted from <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/68th-Republic-Day-A-celebration-of-firsts/UAE-Presidential-Guard/photostory/56790851.cms>

RESIST AUTHORITARIAN, AUTOCRATIC GOVERNANCE – TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT

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RESIST AUTHORITARIAN, AUTOCRATIC GOVERNANCE – TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT

I have lifetime affiliation to Tibetan Resistance Movement for I belong to a military organization called Special Frontier Force. I am also a Member of a Group called Greenpeace Ann Arbor Alumni for I worked for Greenpeace USA for ten years at its Ann Arbor location until it got closed due to budget constraints.

For the first time in the history of Greenpeace Organization, it is advocating Resistance to Authoritarian, or Autocratic Governance to achieve its Mission to defend Environment. Resistance is a tactic used by people to win Political Freedom or to overthrow dictatorial regimes unacceptable to people. Greenpeace Protest asking people to “RESIST” goes beyond its usual advocacy for Environment. It demands people to Resist the Ruler even though Greenpeace has no political agenda to promote any Political Party.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

GREENPEACE PROTEST NEAR THE WHITE HOUSE – THE WASHINGTON POST

 

 

Clipped from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/handful-of-protesters-climb-270-foot-tall-crane-in-downtown-dc-disrupt-traffic/2017/01/25/a9346920-e2ff-11e6-ba11-63c4b4fb5a63_story.html?utm_term=.7c38edaadc6e&wpisrc=nl_todayworld&wpmm=1#comments

 

A banner saying “Resist” is visible over the roof of the White House on Wednesday. (Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post)

Activists affiliated with Greenpeace climbed atop a 270-foot construction crane in downtown Washington on Wednesday and unfurled a large orange and black banner with a message positioned for the newest occupant of the White House but meant for those opposed to its agenda: “Resist.”

D.C. police waited out the seven protesters, shutting down traffic at a major intersection through the morning commute and into the evening and suspending work on new offices for Fannie Mae at 15th and L streets NW.

The action is one of several protests in the District since just before the presidential inauguration, and more are planned in the coming weeks.

By Wednesday evening, the protesters, all expert climbers, according to Greenpeace, and dressed with helmets and safety harnesses, had rolled up the 35-foot-by-75-foot banner but had not begun to descend a steep stairway to the ground, where police were waiting to arrest them.

At about 10 p.m., the seven activists came off the crane — about 18 hours after they started their climb — and were taken into custody. They were charged with second-degree burglary, unlawful entry, and destruction of property.

Five protesters spent the day on the arm, or jib, of the crane, while two chained themselves to the tower, blocking potential arrest efforts by police and preventing the crane operator from reaching the controls. They started their ascent about 4 a.m. and by 9 a.m. had unfurled the banner, using safety ropes to descend from the arm.

Greenpeace, an international environmental group, said the organization was protesting the Trump administration and the president’s decision to push forward with the Keystone XL and Dakota Access oil pipelines.

On Wednesday, dozens of onlookers gathered, clutching coffee cups and peering upward at the site, the location of the former Washington Post headquarters. Greenpeace said it chose the location because the hanging banner could be seen a half-mile away at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.

Firefighters from Rescue 1, the department’s elite rescue team, were on standby if needed, but police preferred to let the protest proceed. Police Capt. Robert Glover of the special operations team said investigators had the ability to talk with at least one of the demonstrators and were in contact with Greenpeace.

 

“Safety is our primary concern,” Glover said early into the demonstration. “Time is on our side.”

D.C. police did not discuss possible charges, saying that would be left up to the U.S. attorney’s office.

One of the protesters, Pearl Robinson, 26, of Oakland, Calif., identified herself as an expert climber and said in a phone interview from atop the crane, “We’re here to resist the normalization of this [Trump] administration.”

Robinson, a national organizer for the Rainforest Action Network, noted that live-streams of the protest were trending on social media, which she called a success. She said some of President Trump’s recent executive orders were “a slap in the face” to U.S. residents.

Cassady Sharp, a spokeswoman for Greenpeace, a group known for activism that sometimes involves confronting authorities and corporations, said the organization wanted “to send a message to the people who are feeling discouraged after just a few days of Trump’s administration.” She said protesters were from around the country, including New York, San Francisco and the Washington area.

Lee DeLong, a senior vice president for Bethesda-based Clark Construction, the lead contractor for the Fannie Mae building project, said workers discovered the protesters about 6 a.m. and called police. He said the group broke into the secured site by breaking a lock, adding that getting into the crane and up onto the arm requires knowledge of how a crane works.

“These aren’t amateurs,” DeLong said.

He said he supports the decision by police to not send officers and firefighters up the crane to pull the protesters off, calling that a dangerous maneuver.

“Our primary concern is safety,” DeLong said. “I think the police and EMS response has been appropriate.”

DeLong said some workers could reach part of the construction site’s perimeter, but most work was halted for the day. He said the crane will need to be inspected before it can be put back into use. He would not say how much money the company is losing but said, “It is a significant impact.”

Protesters with Greenpeace climb a crane in downtown D.C. (Oliver Contreras/For The Washington Post)

Erica White, 39, who lives around the block from the site, said she was out walking when she saw the banner. “It’s got to be crippling for people to not be able to come down L Street. It definitely sends a message, for sure.” She backed the message: “People are going to hold his feet to the fire. They’re not going to back down.”

Dawn Reed, 35, who works in information technology in Arlington, said: “I wish Trump would take notice of it. But I don’t think he’s going to care.” She also said she supported Greenpeace. “I just had a baby, and I want her to grow up in a world that’s not polluted.”

One of the Greenpeace activists who climbed a crane at a construction site in downtown Washington to protest President Trump’s environmental policies live streamed from atop the crane. A Greenpeace activist who climbed a crane at a construction site in downtown Washington to protest President Trump’s environmental policies live streamed it. (Facebook/Greenpeace)

Steve VanAusdall, 50, who works at a nearby construction site, was trying to exit a parking garage to go home but was blocked in by police vehicles. He said the garage was also hurt financially because it could not let in additional vehicles.

“I’m all for freedom of speech and protesting peacefully and lawfully, but these guys could be here for two days,” VanAusdall said Wednesday morning. “It’s going to be a long waiting game, I’m afraid.”

VanAusdall said that he was trying to get to another job in North Carolina on Thursday and that the delay was costing him. “This is hurting people financially,” he said.

Wednesday’s protest comes after Trump’s inauguration last week, when demonstrators were present in large numbers throughout the city, particularly near Franklin Square, where windows of businesses were smashed and a limousine was set on fire.

More than 230 people were arrested Friday. Many were charged with felony rioting.

Dana Hedgpeth contributed to this report.

Protesters with Greenpeace climb a crane in downtown D.C. (Oliver Contreras/For The Washington Post)