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NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

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NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR.

‘TIBET: THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR’ fails to describe Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason during 1971-72 when Americans were fighting a bloody War in Vietnam against Communists supported by Soviet Union and Red China. As I was part of this CIA Mission in Tibet, I knew that Tibet and India were willing to help the US by fighting against Communists inside Tibet rather than directly engaging Communists in Vietnam. Tibet and India want to choose their Battlefield in full support of the US Policy to engage and contain the spread of Communism. The Central Intelligence Agency or CIA has no vested powers to wage or fight wars. “The Cancelled War” is simply an act of Treason. The 37th President of the United States chose to provide support and comfort to the Enemy during War waged on behalf of the United States.

In 1971-72, CIA Mission in Tibet never ended. The Mission continued without direct participation of American nationals. I can appreciate CIA’s unwillingness to divulge the truth about its Mission which is always sanctioned by the executive powers vested in the US President. In my analysis, this War will be fought to restore Balance of Power in Southern Asia.

Rudranarasimham, Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

TIBET: THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

JONATHAN MIRSKY

NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

Lhamo Tsering Collection

Resistance fighters on the Tibetan border during the early years of the CIA’s Tibet program

For much of the past century, US relations with Tibet have been characterized by kowtowing to the Chinese and hollow good wishes for the Dalai Lama. As early as 1908, William Rockhill, a US diplomat, advised the Thirteenth Dalai Lama that “close and friendly relations with China are absolutely necessary, for Tibet is and must remain a portion of the Ta Ts’ing [Manchu] Empire for its own good.” Not much has changed with the Fourteenth Dalai Lama one hundred years later. After a meeting in 2011 with President Obama in the White House Map Room—the Oval Office being too official—the Dalai Lama was ushered out the back door, past the garbage cans. All this, of course, is intended to avoid condemnation from Beijing, which regards even the mildest criticism of its Tibet policy as “interference.”

However, there was one dramatic departure from the minimalist approach. For nearly two decades after the 1950 Chinese takeover of Tibet, the CIA ran a covert operation designed to train Tibetan insurgents and gather intelligence about the Chinese, as part of its efforts to contain the spread of communism around the world. Though little known today, the program produced at least one spectacular intelligence coup and provided a source of support for the Dalai Lama. On the eve of Richard Nixon’s historic 1972 meeting with Mao, the program was abruptly cancelled, thus returning the US to its traditional arms-length policy toward Tibet. But this did not end the long legacy of mistrust that continues to color Chinese-American relations. Not only was the Chinese government aware of the CIA program; in 1992, it published a white paper on the subject. The paper included information drawn from reliable Western sources about the agency’s activities, but laid the primary blame for the insurgency on the “Dalai Lama clique,” a phrase Beijing still uses today.

The insurgency began after the People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibet following its defeat of the Nationalists, and after Beijing forced the Dalai Lama’s government to recognize Chinese administration over the region. In 1955, a group of local Tibetan leaders secretly plotted an armed uprising, and rebellion broke out a year later, with the rebels besieging local government institutions and killing hundreds of government staff as well as Han Chinese people. In May 1957, a rebel organization and a rebel fighting force were founded, and began killing communist officials, disrupting communication lines, and attacking institutions and Chinese army troops stationed in the region.

By that point, the rebellion had gained American backing. In the early 1950s, the CIA began to explore ways to aid the Tibetans as part of its growing campaign to contain Communist China. By the second half of the decade, “Project Circus” had been formally launched, Tibetan resistance fighters were being flown abroad for training, and weapons and ammunition were being airdropped at strategic locations inside Tibet. In 1959, the agency opened a secret facility to train Tibetan recruits at Camp Hale near Leadville, Colorado, partly because the location, more than 10,000 feet above sea level, might approximate the terrain of the Himalayas. According to one account, some 170 “Kamba guerrillas” passed through the Colorado program.

While the CIA effort never produced a mass uprising against the Chinese occupiers, it did provide one of the greatest intelligence successes of the Cold War, in the form of a vast trove of Chinese army documents captured by Tibetan fighters and turned over to the CIA in 1961. These revealed the loss of morale among Chinese soldiers, who had learned of the vast famine that was wracking China during The Great Leap Forward. Over the next decade, however, there was growing disagreement in Washington over the CIA’s activities in Tibet, and in 1971, as Henry Kissinger prepared for Nixon’s meeting with Mao, the program was wound down.

“Although Tibet may not have been on the table in the Beijing talks, the era of official US support for the Tibetan cause was over,” recalled John Kenneth Knaus, a forty-year CIA veteran, in his 1999 book Orphans of the Cold War: America and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival. “There was no role for Tibet in Kissinger’s new equation.” By 1975, President Gerald Ford could say to a skeptical Deng Xiaoping, China’s future leader, “Let me assure you, Mr. Vice-Premier, that we oppose and do not support any [United States] governmental action as far as Tibet is concerned.”

Many friends of Tibet and admirers of the Dalai Lama, who has always advocated nonviolence, believe he knew nothing about the CIA program. But Gyalo Thondup, one of the Dalai Lama’s brothers, was closely involved in the operations, and Knaus, who took part in the operation, writes that “Gyalo Thondup kept his brother the Dalai Lama informed of the general terms of the CIA support.” According to Knaus, starting in the late 1950s, the Agency paid the Dalai Lama $15,000 a month. Those payments came to an end in 1974.

In 1999, I asked the Dalai Lama if the CIA operation had been harmful for Tibet. “Yes, that is true,” he replied. The intervention was harmful, he suggested, because it was primarily aimed at serving American interests rather than helping the Tibetans in any lasting way. “Once the American policy toward China changed, they stopped their help,” he told me. “Otherwise our struggle could have gone on. Many Tibetans had great expectations of CIA [air] drops, but then the Chinese army came and destroyed them. The Americans had a different agenda from the Tibetans.”

This was exactly right, and the different goals of the Agency and the Tibetans are explored fully by the Tibetan-speaking anthropologist Carole McGranahan in her Arrested Histories: Tibet, the CIA, and Memories of a Forgotten War (2010). Although sometimes clouded by anthropological jargon, her account fascinatingly explores how differently from their American counterparts the Tibetan veterans remember the CIA operation. A striking example is the matter of the Chinese army documents, whose capture in a Tibetan ambush of a high-ranking Chinese officer is depicted in grisly detail in a huge painting in the CIA’s museum in Washington. In addition to revealing low Chinese morale, the documents disclosed the extent of Chinese violence in Tibet. “This information was the only documentary proof the Tibetan government [in exile] had of the Chinese atrocities and was therefore invaluable,” McGranahan notes. Yet the documents and their capture rarely came up during her long interview sessions with the veterans. “Why is it that this achievement, so valued by the US and Tibetan governments, is not remotely as memorable for [the] soldiers?”

One reason is that the Tibetan fighters were told nothing about the value of the documents, which they couldn’t read. One veteran explains to her:

Our soldiers attacked Chinese trucks and seized some documents of the Chinese government. After that the Americans increased our pay scale. Nobody knew what the contents of those documents were. At that time, questions weren’t asked. If you asked many questions, then others would be suspicious of you.

The leader of the ambush tells her that “as a reward the CIA gave me an Omega chronograph,” but he, too, had little knowledge of the documents’ importance. As McGranahan shows in extensive detail, the veterans were preoccupied above all by their devotion to the Dalai Lama, whom they wanted to resume his position as supreme leader of an independent Tibet.

After the CIA mission was ended, Tibet became increasingly marginal to Washington’s China policy, as Knaus has now made clear in a second book, Beyond Shangri-la: America and Tibet’s Move into the Twenty-First Century. The reality is that American presidents now face a world power in Beijing. In language that sums up the cats-cradle of American justifications for ignoring Tibet, ex-Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia Marshall Green recalls to Knaus, “there was nothing we could do to help the Tibetans except by improving our relations with the Chinese Communists so that we might be in a position to exert pressure on them to moderate their policies towards the Tibetans.” Green “admitted that this was ‘perhaps a rationalization.'”

President Obama will soon meet the new Chinese leader, Xi Jinping. His advisers will have reminded him of the encounter between his predecessor, Bill Clinton, and then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin on June 27, 1998. In that meeting, Clinton assured Jiang that, “I agree that Tibet is a part of China, an autonomous region of China. And I can understand why the acknowledgement of that would be a precondition of dialog with the Dalai Lama.” Banking on his well-known charm, Mr. Clinton added, “I have spent time with the Dalai Lama. I believe him to be an honest man, and I believe if he had a conversation with President Jiang, they would like each other very much.” Jiang, it is reported, threw back his head and laughed. Clinton’s suggestion was omitted from the official Chinese transcript.

April 9, 2013, 2:29 pm


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NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – CIA’S CANCELLED WAR.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

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SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon  Connection. In 1972,  at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.  I call it Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection.

I am sharing pictures of Sela Pass near Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh (North East Frontier Agency or NEFA), India, to recall my visit to Tawang in 1972 at the request of Nixon administration. President Richard M. Nixon after his famous visit to Peking to establish friendly relations with Communist China, surprised me when his Administration contacted my Unit to place surveillance equipment inside Tibet to monitor China’s nuclear tests. To perform that task, my Unit personnel did not require Passports or Visa documents for Tibet is claimed by them as their own territory.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

The Sela Pass is the high altitude mountain pass in Tawang District of Arunachal Pradesh, India. It is at elevation of 13,700 feet.

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTctDgy6XT8

 

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, just a few months after President Nixon’s Visit to Peking, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon – Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – India- Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. At the request of Nixon Administration in 1972, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.

 

WHAT IS MILITARY INTELLIGENCE? TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

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TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

 

Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security. The Gorichen Range, the highest mountain range of the Arunachal Pradesh separates Tibet from Tawang in India.
TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. People’s Republic of China claimed Indian territories of Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh.

On October 22, 2010, People’s Republic of China has launched an official online mapping service and has formally claimed the entire state of ‘Arunachal Pradesh’ and Aksai Chin region of India’s Ladakh region of the State of Jammu and Kashmir as its own territory. Beijing claims Arunachal Pradesh and has named that area as ‘Southern Tibet’. The Simla Agreement of 1914, and the McMahon Treaty between British India, Tibet, and Manchu China had established the McMahon Line as the legitimate boundary between India and Tibet. Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh was under Tibetan domination during early 19th century. Tibetans consider Tawang as holy land as their Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsang Yang Gyatso ( The Precious Ocean of Pure Melody ), a great poet was born there during 1683. However, the 13th Dalai Lama had ceded this territory to British India and had agreed that McMahon Line determines the Indo-Tibetan border. During Communist China’s unilateral military attack on India in 1962, the Indian government had declared that McMahon Line as the official boundary between India and Tibet which came under China’s military occupation since 1950.  

The Security of Arunachal Pradesh is better served by Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama, Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh is the boundary recognized by India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
The McMahon Treaty of 1914 and the McMahon Line establish the boundary between India and Tibet. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
To defend Northeast India, to curb the activities of insurgents and rebels, India must support Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

India and China have already held 13 rounds of talks to resolve the boundary issue. General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC  served as India’s Chief of Army Staff from 22 November 1994 to 30 September 1997. In a recent article published in The Asian Age, he described  problem of the future security of Arunachal Pradesh. So also, India’s Chief of Army Staff, General V K Singh while addressing a seminar on “Indian Army : Emerging Roles and Tasks” on October 19, 2010 said that China and Pakistan are “irritants” for India.  

General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC was India’s 20th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
General Vijay Kumar Singh, AVSM, India’s 26th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY : SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE DEFENDING FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN TIBET:

 

Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army had served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force prior to his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant General. He may be aware of the Primary Mission of Special Frontier Force.
Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh Suhag AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force from April 2009 to March 2011 in the rank of Major General. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
TIBET'S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA'S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA'S ENEMIES.
TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA’S ENEMIES. TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.

 

 

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.

China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950 has subjected India to a variety of pressures. India will forever be subjected to pressures: militarily, politically, environmentally, and now, sharing of River waters if Tibet remains under Chinese military occupation. India, for its own Security, and for the future Security of Arunachal Pradesh needs Tibet to exist as a ‘Buffer Zone’ between India and China. Tibetan People have their legitimate Rights to defend their own Culture, Religion, Language, National Identity, Tibetan Buddhist Institutions and historical freedom to their own way of life. People of the entire Free World must come together and demand Tibet’s Independence from illegal Chinese occupation. The bilateral trade and commerce between China and India has allowed China to loot and plunder India’s natural resources without firing a bullet. China has colonized India and is exploiting its natural resources without the need for military occupation. China may not launch or initiate a large-scale military invasion of India as long as this lucrative trade in minerals and manufactured goods flourishes. However, India cannot afford to ignore this security threat and risk posed by China’s military occupation of Tibet. Tibet’s Independence would be in India’s interest and it would be India’s Security. 

THE SPIRITS OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE:

I would invite all readers of this blog post to visit Facebook Page of The Spirits of Special Frontier Force and “LIKE” the Page to show their support for establishing Freedom and Democracy in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada,

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

 

THE ASIAN AGE: 

Oct 19th, 2010  

General Shankar Roychowdhury  

All wars commence in the mind, and escalate with words. “Zhang Nan” or “Southern Tibet”, the designation bestowed by the People’s Republic of China on India’s state of Arunachal Pradesh bordering Tibet, is one such example. China now claims Arunachal Pradesh as its historic territory comprising the three southern districts of the Tawang Tract unilaterally acquired by the then British Empire after the Treaty of Simla in 1913. New demands, which were first articulated around 2005, initially concerned Tawang as a traditional tributary region of Lhasa, being the birthplace of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Tsangyang Gyatso, enthroned 1697, probably murdered 1706 by Mongol guards who were escorting him to Beijing under arrest). Subsequently, a day prior to the visit of China’s President Hu Jintao to India in 2006, Sun Yuxi, the then Chinese ambassador to India, stridently reiterated in public China’s claims to the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh in a deliberately provocative gesture designed to put New Delhi on notice of Beijing’s intention to dominate the agenda of interaction according to its own priorities. In a longer-term perspective, these needlessly provocative claims could escalate to a flash point with the potential to provoke a major confrontation between the two countries, and create an existential crisis for the entire region, a contingency for which India has to prepare itself adequately.  

Indian reaction has been characteristically muted, constantly choosing to soft pedal and play down the issue — a unilateral gesture of restraint regardless of the degree of blatant provocation, which exasperated many in this country. It is seen as making a virtue out of necessity, because India has neglected to build up the requisite capabilities to adopt stronger alternatives. This is surely an unenviable position for a country seeking to promote itself as a major power for a permanent seat on the Security Council.  

The present Sino-Indian equation is almost irresistibly reminiscent of the run-up to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and provides a fascinating playback of China’s postures at that time with its disconcertingly similar sequence of claims along the McMahon Line in North East Frontier Agency (Nefa), as well as along the Uttar Pradesh-Tibet border and in Ladakh, as relics of historic injustices perpetrated in earlier days by British imperialists. A naive and militarily ill-prepared India, with an exaggerated self-image of its own international relevance as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, had sought to dissuade a determined China with platitudinous Nehruvian philosophies of anti-colonial solidarity, all of which were contemptuously disposed of by “a whiff of grapeshot” on the desolate slopes of the Namkha Chu and Rezang La. India’s collapse and comprehensive downsizing in short order in 1962 was primarily because it lacked military capability vis-a-vis China, a fatal flaw which has a disconcerting tendency of repeating itself when lessons of earlier debacles wear off from the country, as they seem to be doing now. “1962 redux” is slowly grinding into gear again, with end results unforeseeable, except that an enhanced replay at some stage (2020?) can never be totally discounted. India must not repeat its follies of the past because this time around it has been adequately forewarned.  

To recover and reunify what it perceives as its lost territories, notably Tibet and Taiwan, the People’s Republic of China has never swerved from its other such claims pertaining to areas along the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Indian borders, besides smaller island entities in the South and East China Seas, to which has now been added the complete territory of India’s Arunachal Pradesh under its new Chinese appellation.  

India has to evaluate the threat potential of the situation dispassionately but realistically, having reference to China’s demonstrated determination to set its own history in order. Tibet was successfully concluded in 1950 when the People’s Liberation Army marched into the country against a feeble and disjointed resistance, and re-established China’s authority. Taiwan has been an infructuous effort so far only because of the massive support and protection of the United States, which has guaranteed the independence of that country with the presence of its Seventh Fleet.  

The border of Arunachal Pradesh, and Ladakh cannot be resolved through diplomacy and mediation (again as in 1962), India will be left with starkly limited options — either capitulation to China, or military defence of its territory. In the latter contingency, even a speculative overview would suggest that for India a full-fledged Sino-India war would likely be a “two-and-a-half front”, with Pakistan and China combining in tandem, and an additional internal half front against affiliated terrorist networks already emplaced and functional within the country. For India it would be a combination of 1962, together with all of India’s wars against Pakistan (1947-65, ’71 and ’99), upgraded to future dimensions and extending over land, aerial, maritime space and cyberspace domains. Nuclear exchange at some stage, strategic, tactical or both, would remain a distinct possibility, admittedly a worst case, but one which cannot be ignored. The magnitude of losses in terms of human, material and economic costs to all participants can only be speculated upon at present.  

China is obviously very much ahead of India in military capabilities, a comparative differential which will be further skewed with Pakistan’s resources coming into play. India has to develop its own matching capabilities in short order, especially the ability to reach out and inflict severe punitive damage to the heartlands of its adversaries, howsoever distant. There would be national, regional and international repercussions that would severely affect the direct participants as also close bystanders like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan, if not countries further afield as well.  

Any future Sino-Indian conflict is a doomsday scenario, straight out of Dr Strangelove, a zero-sum calculus that must not allowed to occur. China must restrain itself regarding its alleged claims to India’s Arunachal be Pradesh. History has moved on — attempts to reverse it are futile.  

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Member of Parliament.
  

TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – INDIA, TIBET, AND UNITED STATES FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION

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TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – INDIA, TIBET, AND UNITED STATES FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION

United States Government Appoints a New Special Coordinator for ...
On tibet.net

Sarah Sewall, Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security ...
On www.havanatimes.org

Special Frontier Force welcomes India, Tibet, and United States Friendship and Cooperation to promote Democracy, Peace, and Human Rights.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

NEWSOK

India Tibet US

Published on NewsOK Published: January 15, 2016 Updated: 13 hours ago
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U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)

U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)
U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)

Related Photos

Photo - U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, left, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from right, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)Photo - U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)+

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Sarah Sewall in Dharamsala.
On www.savetibet.org

Karmapa Pays Brief Visit To Washington DC - Karmapa – The Official ...
On kagyuoffice.org

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET

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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER WITH INDIAN PRESIDENT DR BABU RAJENDRA PRASAD AT RASHTRAPATI BHAVAN, NEW DELHI. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US WORK TOGETHER TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. PHOTO TAKEN IN DECEMBER 1959.

Balance of Power refers to distribution of military and economic power among nations that is sufficiently even to keep any one of them from being too strong or dangerous. The term ‘Balance’ describes a state of equilibrium or equipoise, equality in power between two nations. Red China’s economic and military power is far greater than power of Tibet and hence there is no equilibrium in Tibet. Red China’s overwhelming economic and military power has serious consequences to all nations in her neighborhood. To restore this Balance of Power, Tibet has willingly joined a larger group by allying with India, and United States. Special Frontier Force is a military organization that represents Tibet’s alliance with India and USA. While Red China demands “STABILITY” in Occupied Tibet, Tibet and the alliance partners reject Red China’s demand for it will not resolve the problem of Balance of Power. To the same extent, Red China has rejected Tibet’s demand for meaningful autonomy or “MIDDLE WAY” as means to restore Tibet Equilibrium.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.

Most of my readers know that CIA takes orders from the Executive Branch of Power called US Presidency. The other two branches of Power are known as the US Congress(Legislative Power) and the US Supreme Court(Judicial Power) and the Balance of Power between these three branches is maintained by US Constitution. CIA has no external source of funding for its activities. The US Congress approves National Budget for  funding requests submitted by Executive Branch. Hotel Mount Annapurna in Nepal that supported CIA operation,  was funded by US President Richard M Nixon and American citizens, the taxpayers who provide funds to the Government for further use as allocated by a Budget plan duly approved by representatives of elected by people and signed into a Law by the US President. I categorically affirm that all CIA operations to help Tibetan Guerillas are funded by the US Congress and Budget Laws signed by the US President. I thank US President Dwight David Eisenhower and the US Congress for supporting Tibetan Resistance Movement to counteract Red China’s Evil Power.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 
         
The Spirits of Special Frontier ForceThe Spirits of Special Frontier Force, Ann Arbor, MI. At Special Frontier Force, I host ‘The Living Tibetan Spirits’…
 
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The CIA’s Secret Himalayan Hotel for Tibetan Guerillas

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

NOLAN W PETERSON @nolanwpeterson October 30, 2015

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA IN NEPAL OPENED IN 1973, WITH FUNDING SANCTIONED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was opened in 1973 as part of a CIA program to rehabilitate former Tibetan guerillas. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

POKHARA, Nepal—It’s been 43 years since the CIA cut off support to the Tibetan guerillas that the agency trained and armed to fight a covert war against China. Yet, a monument to the CIA’s secret war in Tibet is still standing in Pokhara, Nepal.

The former Hotel Mount Annapurna building sits on a quiet side street off the Pokhara airport. Established in 1972 with CIA funds, the hotel was meant to give former Tibetan resistance fighters based in Nepal’s nearby Mustang region a livelihood and a future as they laid down their arms and transitioned to life as refugees.

Tibetan guerillas and their families ran the hotel until it closed in 2010. Today, the Hotel Mount Annapurna building is a nursing school. The aging concrete structure with 1960s lines looks tired and nondescript. Paint is peeling off the exterior walls. The once lush and well manicured landscaping is overgrown and wilted. This relic of the CIA’s secret Cold War guerilla campaign in Tibet is now locked behind a rusting metal gate and easily overlooked. It is in a part of town into which tourists rarely venture.

The area around the Pokhara airport was prime real estate in the 1970s. But business slowly dried up as Pokhara’s tourism center of gravity shifted to the Phewa Lake shoreline to accommodate waves of hippies and trekkers. The Lodrik Welfare Fund—an NGO that former Tibetan resistance fighters created in 1983 to provide welfare for veterans and their families—currently owns the property and rents it out to the Gandaki Medical College.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA WAS FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON in 1973. NOW IS RENTED TO A MEDICAL SCHOOL. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

The former hotel is now a nursing school. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“This used to be the best spot, but we shut down because there was no business,” said Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. His father was a Mustang resistance fighter.
Gyatso was born in Pokhara in 1972. He worked at the Hotel Mount Annapurna from 1989 to 2010 and was the hotel’s manager at the time it shut down.

Gyatso currently works next door to the former hotel property out of the same offices that were a command center for the Mustang resistance in the 1960s and 1970s—the office he works in was opened in 1962 for the resistance movement. “My father worked in this very office when he was an intelligence officer for the resistance,” Gyatso said.

OVERLOOKED LEGACY

Today there are few visible clues to the former hotel’s guerilla heritage. In the lobby there is a framed poster of Mt. Kailas (the most holy mountain in Tibet), which is hanging next to a painting of the hotel in its glory days. There is also a painted mural on the wall of the main stairwell, the imagery of which pays homage to the fighting spirit of Tibet’s resistance fighters.

The security guard at the gate offered a confused look when asked about the building’s Cold War history. Younger shop owners on the adjacent street shrugged their shoulders politely and said they knew nothing about Tibetan resistance fighters. A few older shop owners, however, acknowledged the hotel used to be run by “Khampas”—a reference to Tibet’s Kham region, which is known for its warriors and bandits and was the birthplace of Tibet’s guerilla campaign after the 1950 Chinese invasion.

Those who knew about the hotel’s past, however, were reluctant to talk about it. Questions about the CIA and Tibetan resistance movement spurred worried looks and anxious body language. One older shop owner, a Sherpa from the Solukhumbu region near Mt. Everest, offered an explanatory hint when he claimed pressure from Maoist rebels during Nepal’s civil war (1996-2006) forced the hotel to shut down. As proof, he pointed to Maoist graffiti on a wall across from the hotel’s entrance.
“They’re bullies,” the old Sherpa said, speaking about Maoist rebels. “And they didn’t get along with the Khampas.”

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. FORMER HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA IN NEPAL BEARS MUTE TESTIMONY TO A FUNDING DECISION MADE BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON IN 1973. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Maoist rebel graffiti outside the former Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Gyatso disputes the claim, however, and insists that a struggling bottom line forced the hotel’s closure. “We have a friendly relationship with the Maoists,” Gyatso said. “Some of them stayed in the hotel. I know many old Tibetans think communists are the enemy, but we never had a problem with them.”

Gyatso did acknowledge, however, that Communist labor unions contributed to the hotel’s demise. The hotel initially employed only Tibetans, but pressure from unions spurred the hotel to ultimately employ a mix of Tibetans and Nepalese. At its height, the hotel had about 40 employees. But as business tapered in the 1990s and early 2000s, Gyatso said the unions tied his hands when he tried to streamline staff and cut down on expenses.

“The Unified Marxist-Leninist Party workers union gave us a lot of trouble,” he said. “They demanded a lot and basically put us out of business.”

The Lodrik Welfare Fund is an evolution of the Mustang resistance bureaucracy, which is now dedicated to welfare, not armed insurgency. While the hotel was operational, it generated revenue for the Lodrik Welfare Fund to finance schools and public works for Tibetan refugees around Pokhara and to provide benefits for Tibetan resistance veterans. Now only a thin slice of revenue from the building’s rent goes toward the NGO’s welfare projects. The majority of funding comes from foreign sponsors—many of whom are anonymous Americans.

The CIA did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether it was still providing any support for the veterans of the Mustang resistance living around Pokhara. But Gyatso said there was no ongoing U.S. government support for the guerilla fighter veterans or their descendants.

“There’s no official U.S. support,” Gyatso said. “But of course the U.S. should help us. They used us to fight China for them and then they dropped us on the spot. They should do something for us.”

NO MORE BAD BLOOD

The CIA began training and arming Tibetan guerillas in 1957. Initially, the Tibetan resistance fighters, called the Chushi-Gangdruk, were based inside Tibet. But in the 1960s groups of fighters also set up bases in Nepal’s Mustang region, from which they conducted raids across the border into China.

The Mustang resistance, as the Nepal-based fighters came to be known, were supported by CIA funds until 1972, when President Richard Nixon normalized relations with China and the CIA’s Tibetan operation ended. The Mustang resistance continued without U.S. support until 1974, when Nepal, bowing to pressure from China, sent soldiers into the arid Himalayan region to root out the Tibetan guerillas.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was the CIA’s olive branch to the Mustang fighters, attempting to give the former guerrillas (many of whom had no education or professional skills beyond soldiering) a chance to make a livelihood as they transitioned to life as refugees.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. TSULTRIM GYATSO, FORMER MANAGER OF HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M. NIXON. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“After surrender, it took at least 15 years before the soldiers could finally reintegrate into normal life,” Gyatso said. “The CIA was good in the beginning, but they abandoned us.”

Today, resistance fighter veterans and their descendants still do not have Nepalese citizenship, and most do not have paperwork identifying them as refugees—making it impossible to travel abroad, get a driver’s license, open a bank account or start a business. They live in refugee camps around Pokhara and are largely dependent on welfare for their survival.
“Babies don’t even have birth certificates,” Gyatso said. “We just need a paper to identify ourselves so we can work.”

The Mustang resistance raids ultimately did little to seriously damage China’s occupation of Tibet, but the intelligence Tibetan fighters gathered was sometimes of great value to the United States. A raid on a Chinese convoy in 1961, for example, killed a Chinese regimental commander and provided the CIA with what it later referred to as the “bible” on Chinese military intelligence.

A faction of Mustang resistance fighters under the command of Baba Yeshi collaborated with Nepal in 1974 by giving up their compatriots’ positions, clearing the way for an operation that killed many Tibetan guerillas, including their CIA-trained commander, General Gyato Wangdu. Yeshi’s Tibetan collaborators went on to create prosperous carpet-making enterprises in Kathmandu. And unlike the descendants of the Mustang resistance fighters around Pokhara, the descendants of the Tibetan collaborators enjoy Nepalese citizenship, according to Gyatso.

Yet, Gyatso added, there is no more bad blood between the descendants of the Mustang resistance and those who betrayed them.
“There are no more divides between factions of the Mustang resistance,” Gyatso said. “We are all Tibetan. The history is there, yes. But we are all against the Chinese. Bad things happened, and His Holiness (the Dalai Lama) has forgiven them.”

Portrait of Nolan Peterson@nolanwpeterson

NOLAN PETERSON

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signal’s foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER APPROVED FUNDING OF TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WITH INDIA AND TIBET AS US PARTNERS.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER SANCTIONED FUNDS FOR SUPPORTING TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. RED CHINA’S ECONOMIC AND MILITARY POWER IMPOSES A HUGE IMBALANCE OF POWER IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER TOOK EXECUTIVE ACTION TO CORRECT THIS IMBALANCE.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. A SPECIAL TRIBUTE TO 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER FOR HIS PARTNERSHIP WITH TIBET AND INDIA TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.Photo by Bachrach. 1952.

THE LEGACY OF TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM

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THE LEGACY OF TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM

TIBET - INDIA - US - RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA'S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
TIBET – INDIA – US – RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA’S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY TRUMAN WITH INDIAN PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AT THE NATIONAL AIRPORT IN WASHINGTON DC, ON OCTOBER 11, 1949.

People’s Republic of China came into her existence on October 01, 1949. Red China openly declared to world her ‘Expansionist’ Policy and it immediately raised security concerns in Tibet, India, and the United States. Tibet – India – US relations began with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to Washington DC on October 11, 1949 to meet US President Harry Truman. Red China posed a direct threat to power balance in Southeast Asia. I would characterize Tibet – India – US relations as ‘The Quest for Tibet Equilibrium’. Tibet – India – United States remain united and have this common purpose for their historical relationship. The issue is not that of Middle Way or of meaningful autonomy for Tibetans. The issue is not that of Tibet’s Independence. It doesn’t matter if Tibet is part of China or not. Tibet, India, and the US view Communist China as “AGGRESSOR” nation in Tibet which endangered Power Balance in Southeast Asia. The issue is that of restoring Balance and Equilibrium in Tibet. Special Frontier Force is prepared to restore Balance and Equilibrium in Tibet by application of physical force to counteract Red China’s Force of Oppression in Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 
         
The Spirits of Special Frontier ForceThe Spirits of Special Frontier Force, Ann Arbor, MI. At Special Frontier Force, I host ‘The Living Tibetan Spirits’…
 
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Why the Legacy of Tibet’s Cold War Freedom Fighters Still Matters

NOLAN PETERSON @nolanwpeterson October 29, 2015

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT REPRESENTS THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. LHASANG TSERING. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Lhasang Tsering, 68, a Chushi-Gangdruk veteran who served in Nepal’s Mustang region in the 1970s. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

DHARAMSHALA, India—When Sonam Dorjee was a Buddhist monk at the Debung Monastery in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa, he would not kill an insect. After all, that annoying fly buzzing in your ear could be the reincarnation of a beloved family member.

But when Chinese soldiers opened fire on the Tibetan refugees with whom Dorjee was fleeing across the Himalayas in 1959, the then-25-year-old monk picked up a rifle and fought back.
“It was a journey to become a different man,” Dorjee, now 81 years old, said during an interview at his home in the misty mountain village of McLeod Ganj, just outside Dharamshala.

“I had to develop a totally different mentality,” he said. “I lost my country and saw the Chinese kill many people in front of me. If you meet such a situation, it helps you to convert your mind. I had to do something for my country. There was no other choice.”

After Chinese soldiers began to shell Lhasa in 1959, Dorjee fled across the Himalayas with a group of monks and other refugees who were escorted by Chushi-Gangdruk guerilla fighters. When Chinese soldiers attacked Dorjee’s group, the fighting spirit of the Tibetan guerillas inspired the young monk. “If not for the Chushi-Gangdruk,” he said, “His Holiness and no other Tibetans would have escaped Tibet.”

“They saved Tibet,” he added. “I saw what they did, and I was thinking that I could take a weapon and I could fight for my country too.”

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. SONAM DORJEE, ESTABLISHMENT NO. 22, SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Sonam Dorjee, 81, a veteran of India’s Establishment 22 and a former bodyguard of the Dalai Lama. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Six years later, a 31-year-old Dorjee decided to abandon his monk’s robes for good when he joined Establishment 22—a secret all-Tibetan unit in the Indian army created after China attacked India in the 1962 Sino-Indian war. For the former monk, becoming a soldier meant abandoning some of his most elemental philosophies and beliefs—including the prohibition on killing.

“It was very difficult to give up being a monk,” he said. “It was a totally different life. As a monk, we do puja and we pray. As a soldier we trained to kill people.”

The CIA initially provided training and equipment for Establishment 22, and Dorjee remembers the CIA instructors fondly. He said their support gave the Tibetan resistance movement a morale boost. “America trained us, and gave us food and weapons,” he said. “I have a deep appreciation and a great respect for America.”

Dorjee served in Establishment 22 for 10 years before he was selected for the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, a post he held for 11 years. Establishment 22 never faced Chinese soldiers in combat, but saw action in operations against Pakistan, including the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war.

Establishment 22 is still active and draws recruits from Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal. A dispute over pensions has tempered Dharamshala’s support for the unit, but even today, the possibility of one day fighting the Chinese lures Tibetan recruits.

“When I joined the army, I wanted to kill Chinese,” Dorjee said. “All I wanted was to kill just one Chinese soldier. I was very angry.”
“It didn’t work out like that,” he continued. “I regretted not killing any Chinese. Now I don’t hate China, but I don’t regret the fighting. I tried my best. I have no anger left.”

STUCK IN THE MIDDLE

The predominant narrative of the Tibetan resistance has been the Dalai Lama’s push for nonviolence and the “middle way”—a policy dating back to the 1970s that does not call for full Tibetan independence but a status of “genuine autonomy,” in which Tibetans control internal matters and are able to preserve their culture and religion but relegate international affairs and defense to Beijing.

Yet, the Dalai Lama is only one part of the Tibetan resistance story. From the 1950s through the mid-1970s a CIA-backed Tibetan freedom fighter army called the Chushi-Gangdruk waged a bloody guerilla war against China from inside Tibet and bases in Nepal. And after the 1962 Sino-Indian war, thousands of Tibetan men signed up for Establishment 22 (which the CIA trained and supported with arms and supplies) for a chance to fight China.

The combined combat history of the Chushi-Gangdruk and Establishment 22 challenges the Tibetan nonviolent resistance narrative. And the legacy of Tibet’s freedom fighters continues to inspire generations of Tibetan refugees to retain their hope for freedom and to resist Chinese oppression off the battlefield. While most Tibetan refugees still support the Dalai Lama’s middle way approach, recent signs of wavering in China’s economy have sparked a debate within the refugee community about how Tibetans should react if China’s Communist Party collapses.

“The Chushi-Gangdruk legacy has inspired younger generations,” said Tenzin Nyinjey, researcher at the Tibetan Center for Human Rights in Dharamshala—home of the Tibetan government in exile.

“The hope for freedom hasn’t faded at all,” he added. “We’re going to see something really explosive within our lifetime.”

The debate orbits around whether the Tibetan government in exile should continue pushing for autonomy, as the Dalai Lama has advocated, or push for full-fledged independence, which Tibet’s freedom fighters fought for during the Cold War. And with the Dalai Lama’s 80th birthday this year, there is also quiet debate within the refugee community about how long support for the middle way will last after his death.

“We know armed resistance is impossible, the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] has to collapse or the system has to change,” Nyinjey said. “This is not the Cold War, no one is going to arm or train Tibetans to fight. But Tibetans are quite ready to declare independence if the Communist system collapses. We have the institutions of political democracy already built here in India.”
“Independence usually doesn’t require picking up a gun,” he added. “But when the time comes, young Tibetans will do what it takes.”

Many Tibetan refugees, however, still prefer the middle way approach over full independence. They base their support for the policy on a combination of pragmatism and their faith in the Dalai Lama.

“With Gorbachev, the USSR ended in an instant,” said Norbu Dorjee, 61, a business owner in Leh, the capital of India’s Himalayan Ladakh region. “China’s problems are good for us. We hope that China will become democratic, that the Communist party will collapse and we can go home.”

“But,” Dorjee added, “we are still only asking for internal autonomy, not total independence. We have to maintain faith in the path His Holiness has chosen for us.”

“I believe the middle way will last,” said Thupten Gyantso, 41, a Tibetan refugee living in Pokhara, Nepal. “The reality is that China is too powerful for us to win independence. And even if we become independent, we will still rely on China for many things.”

Opponents of the middle way claim the 40-year-old policy has achieved little for Tibetan refugees and that human rights inside Tibet have worsened in the intervening decades.
“So long as Tibet insists on only achieving autonomy, it will not be an international issue,” said Lhasang Tsering, 68, a Chushi-Gangdruk veteran who served in Nepal’s Mustang region in the 1970s. He now lives in Dharamshala and owns a bookshop called “Bookworm.”

“Unless the Dalai Lama makes freedom the ultimate goal, for peace and justice, other countries won’t help us,” Tsering said. “It might be too late for Tibet by the time China collapses.”
Some point to the recent Tibetan government in exile’s elections for prime minister as a bellwether for a renewed independence movement. The candidate who has arguably created the most media attention within the Tibetan refugee community is LukarJam—who has stirred controversy by openly challenging the Dalai Lama’s middle way policy and arguing for independence.

“It’s fashionable to talk about the middle way, but it kills the passion to act,” Jam said, according to the Associated Press. “I have separated the spiritual and political Dalai Lama and criticize only his political policies.”
“His popularity shows skepticism about the middle way,” Nyinjey said, referring to Jam. “There’s a movement happening that shows a fracturing of Tibetan opinion, and proponents of the middle way are being forced to defend their policies.”

TIPPING POINT?

Paralleling the middle way debate is a mounting resistance movement inside Tibet against Chinese rule—evidenced by protests in 2008 and a wave of self-immolations in Tibet that began in 2009. And with Beijing hosting the 2022 Winter Olympics, some speculate that there could be a repeat of the protests that swept across Tibet in advance of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics.

During the 2008 protests, Tibetans sacked Chinese-owned businesses and attacked Han Chinese on the streets, underscoring simmering ethnic tensions inside China’s Tibet Autonomous Region.

“In 2008 this major uprising happened across Tibet,” said Sherab Woeser, visiting fellow at The Tibet Policy Institute, a think tank in Dharamshala. “No one expected it, and it was young people who led it. They want to have Tibetan textbooks in school and to be able to wave their flag and honor the Dalai Lama. Young people are expressing themselves in Tibet saying they want to be free.”

After the 2008 protests, Chinese authorities cracked down in the Tibet Autonomous Region. Surveillance increased, as did reports of arbitrary arrest and torture. Pictures of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan flag were outlawed, new travel restrictions were put in place and the borders with India and Nepal were sealed, practically stemming the flow of refugees out of Tibet.

Since 2009, 142 Tibetans have self-immolated inside China as a reaction to China’s crackdown. While the Tibetan self-immolators comprise all ages and spectrums of society, the average age of the self-immolators is 24, reflecting what some claim is increasing resistance against Chinese rule among Tibetan youth.

“The self-immolations are just a continuance of the Chushi-Gangdruk resistance,” Nyinjey said. “Nothing has changed. The occupation and the oppression have always been there. The same causes of the resistance are still there, but the form of resistance has changed.”

“Tibetans have seen so much death, pain and oppression, and that shows in the way they protest,” Woeser said.
Some also speculate that a renewed Tibetan independence movement could spark a chain reaction of secessionist movements in China’s Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang autonomous regions.

“Tibet can be the Tunisia, the trigger, for the breakup of China,” Nyinjey claimed, referencing the self-immolation of a street vendor in Tunisia in December 2010 that was a catalyst for the Arab Spring.
LEGACY

Despite the overwhelming odds against them, Tibet’s guerilla fighters fought fiercely, suffering heavy casualties as they faced Chinese artillery, tanks and bombers from horseback, armed with swords and World War I rifles.

“They had no knowledge of how to fight, they were just very patriotic and wanted to fight for their country,” said Tenpa Dhargyal, 37, general secretary of the Welfare Society of Central Dokham Chushi-Gangdruk, a New Delhi-based organization dedicated to caring for Chushi-Gangdruk veterans and their families.

Dhargyal’s grandfather was a Chushi-Gangdruk fighter who died fighting the Chinese. “Their courage came from their anger,” he said.

The Chushi-Gangdruk played a key role in establishing Tibet’s government in exile. In 1959, the Chushi-Gangdruk’s control over territory in southern Tibet created a protected corridor through which the Dalai Lama escaped to India. And after the Dalai Lama was safely in exile, the Chushi-Gangdruk subsequently protected the tens of thousands of refugees who fled across the Himalayas into India and Nepal.

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TENPA DHARGYAL, GENERAL SECRETARY, THE WELFARE SOCIETY OF CENTRAL DOKHAM CHUSHI-GANGDRUK. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

“We don’t want to live under Chinese rule. We want our country back.” —Tenpa Dhargyal, 37, general secretary of the Welfare Society of Central Dokham Chushi-Gangdruk. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

In 1957, two years prior to the Dalai Lama’s escape, the CIA began paramilitary training for handpicked Chushi-Gangdruk fighters. The training took place at secret bases in Saipan; Camp Hale, Colorado; and Camp Peary, Virginia (at a facility known as the “farm”).

After their instruction, the Tibetan operatives parachuted into Chinese-occupied Tibet from CIA aircraft ranging from World War II era B-17s (which were painted all black) to C-130s. To create plausible deniability should an aircraft go down, the CIA initially used East European pilots recruited for covert missions over Soviet Ukraine. Air America (an aviation front for the CIA) later handled the Tibetan missions.

The Chushi-Gangdruk eventually set up camps in the remote Mustang region of Nepal, from which they launched cross-border raids into China.

The CIA supported the Chushi-Gangdruk with airdropped weapons, ammunition and supplies until 1972, when President Richard Nixon normalized relations with China and U.S. support for the Tibetan resistance was cut off. The Chushi-Gangdruk continued to operate from Nepal for several more years without U.S. backing, but achieved little.

“The U.S. treated it as a tactical move to harass the Communist block from behind, it was not a strategic decision to support Tibetan independence,” Tsering, the Chushi-Gangdruk veteran said.

“But it’s easy to point the finger at others for our failure,” he added. “We failed to capitalize on the CIA’s support to internationalize our cause and unite world opinion to support us.”

In 1974, after bowing to Chinese pressure, the Nepalese military rooted the Chushi-Gangdruk out of their mountain hideouts in Mustang, killing many (including their commander, General Gyato Wangdu, who had been trained by the CIA at Camp Hale, Colorado) in high-altitude gunfights. The Dalai Lama sent a taped message imploring the Mustang resistance to lay down their arms, spurring several fighters to commit suicide.

For some Tibetans, the history of China’s invasion of Tibet and the legacy of lives lost in the ensuing Tibetan resistance fuels a lingering distaste for submitting to Chinese rule—which they see the middle way as promoting.

“Even though they asked us to be friends with China, we don’t want it,” Dhargyal said. “We can’t make friends with them because they killed our grandparents. We don’t want to live under Chinese rule. We want our country back.”
KARMA
Chungdak Bonjutsang began to cry when he described how Chinese soldiers killed his mother in 1959.

Bonjutsang, now 61 years old, covered his eyes with his hands. His chest heaved a few times with deep breaths. He tried to fight through it and talk, but he choked up. After a silent moment, he wiped his eyes clear, looked up to the ceiling for an instant, and then continued.

Bonjutsang was only 6 years old when his mother, father, uncle and older brother crossed the Himalayas to escape Communist rule in Tibet. They were in a group of about 400, he said. Women, children and the elderly were kept in front, while the men and the Tibetan Chushi-Gangdruk guerilla fighters stayed at the rear to repel Chinese attacks. Their group was a part of the 80,000 Tibetans who flooded into India and Nepal in 1959 after the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) shelled protesters in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. CHUNGDAK BONJUTSANG TIBETAN EXILE. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Chungdak Bonjutsang, 61, fled Tibet with his family in 1959. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Bonjutsang remembers the sounds of bullets ricocheting off the hard stones of the mountain when the Chinese attack came. Exposed on a high-altitude pass with nowhere to hide, the only options were to run or fight back.
Bonjutsang’s father tied the scared 6-year-old boy to one of the horses used to carry supplies so that he wouldn’t be lost in the confusion of the gunfight. And then his father and uncle joined the Chushi-Gangdruk guerillas in fighting back the Chinese soldiers.

During the attack, Bonjutsang’s mother was shot in the side. She died quickly. And with the Chinese in pursuit, there was no time to bury her. “We just left her on the ice, and then we ran away,” Bonjutsang said during an interview at the Sonamling Tibetan refugee colony in India’s Himalayan Ladakh region.

“I was very young then,” he said. “But as I grew older, the pain got worse. I can’t stop thinking about her lying dead on the ice. I see her at night when I go to sleep.”
Fifty-six years later, Bonjutsang’s pain and his anger over his mother’s murder have not faded. “China is still the enemy,” he said. He has never returned to Tibet, and admits that he may never be able to. Yet, his hope that Tibet will regain its independence has not faded—and that hope is sustained by his unshakeable faith in the Dalai Lama.

“We have great hope that we will be able to return the Dalai Lama to Tibet before he passes,” Bonjutsang said. “As long as His Holiness is alive we believe freedom is possible.”
A smile crept across Bonjutsang’s face. He added: “And, of course, we also hope His Holiness outlives the Communist Party in China.”

 

 Portrait of Nolan Peterson@nolanwpeterson

NOLAN PETERSON

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signal’s foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

 

 

 

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TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE QUEST BEGAN ON OCTOBER 11, 1949 WITH INDIAN PRIME MINISTER’S VISIT TO WASHINGTON DC. INDIA REPRESENTED TIBET’S INTERESTS AND PROVIDED STIMULUS FOR INDIA – US RELATIONS.

 

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. NEHRU – TRUMAN MEETING ON OCTOBER 11, 1949. TIBET EQUILIBRIUM WAS THE CHIEF CONCERN AND PURPOSE FOR THIS RELATIONSHIP.
TIBET – INNDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. NEHRU – TRUMAN MEETING ON OCTOBER 11, 1949. INDIA REACHED OUT TO THE US ON BEHALF OF TIBET.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THIS LEGACY BEGAN ON OCTOBER 11, 1949 WITH HISTORICAL MEETING OF NEHRU AND TRUMAN.

 

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THIS LEGACY BEGAN WITH NEHRU AND TRUMAN AND IT WITHSTOOD THE TEST OF TIME.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US RECOGNIZE CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION AND DESIRE TO RESTORE BALANCE IN TIBET.

 

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US SHARE A COMMON CONCERN ABOUT RED CHINA.

 

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. INDIA’S FIRST PRIME MINISTER NEHRU AND LATER ALL OTHER PRIME MINISTERS INCLUDING HIS DAUGHTER INDIRA GANDHI VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. IN OCTOBER 1949 WHEN COMMUNIST CHINA DECLARED HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY, IT SET OFF ALARM BELLS IN TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US BEGAN THIS QUEST IN OCTOBER 1949 SOON AFTER COMMUNIST PARTY CHAIRMAN MAO ZEDONG ANNOUNCED FOUNDING OF PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. THIS LEGACY OF DALAI LAMA, NEHRU, AND TRUMAN STILL SURVIVES.

 

TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY S TRUMAN.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY S TRUMAN.
TIBET - INDIA - US - RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA'S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
TIBET – INDIA – US – RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA’S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM.
TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION THAT UPSET POWER BALANCE IN TIBET.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION THAT UPSET POWER BALANCE IN TIBET.
TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE EMERGENCE OF RED CHINA IN OCTOBER 1949 AND HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY HAS UPSET POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE EMERGENCE OF RED CHINA IN OCTOBER 1949 AND HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY HAS UPSET POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.

 

 

 

TIBET AWARENESS – TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL IN MADRAS, CHENNAI

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TIBET AWARENESS – “TASTE OF TIBET” FOOD FESTIVAL IN MADRAS, CHENNAI

TIBET AWARENESS - TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL IN MADRAS, CHENNAI.
TIBET AWARENESS – TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL IN MADRAS, CHENNAI.

I describe my affiliation to military organization called Special Frontier Force as ‘KASTURI-SARVEPALLI-MADRAS-INDIA-TIBET-US CONNECTION’. My birthplace is Mylapore, Madras, or Chennai. During presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, a native of Mylapore, Madras, military organization called Special Frontier Force was founded. I was introduced to Tibetan Tea and Tibetan Food while I served in Special Frontier Force as Medical Officer.

Dr.Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was the Third President of India (The ...
On www.infoqueenbee.com

I am pleased to share ‘The New Indian Express story on “TASTE OF TIBET” Food Festival (until September 27) at Chap Chay Asian Stir fry Restaurant at The Raintree Hotel, St Mary’s Road, Alwarpet, Chennai.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA
SPECIALFRONTIERFORCE.ESTABLISHMENT22

Thursday, September 24, 2015

The New Indian Express

Of Tibet’s Thukpa, Shaptra Tingmo and Salted Butter Tea

By IANS
Published: 23rd September 2015 04:16 PM
Last Updated: 23rd September 2015 04:21 PM

CHENNAI: Tea with milk, masala tea, lemon tea, black tea, herbal tea, jasmine tea and green tea are well-known. But butter tea or salted butter tea?

“Not many in India would have heard about butter tea that we Tibetans normally take at home,” chef Tenzin Namkha at Chap Chay, Asian stir fry restaurant at The Raintree, St. Mary’s Road hotel told IANS keeping the tea-pot and a small cup on the table.

Thirty-year-old Namkha, whose parents have their roots in Tibet but settled in Mysuru, is anchoring the 10 day ‘Taste of Tibet’ food festival at the hotel.

Namkha joined the hotel last April. He was earlier with Hyatt in Ahmedabad.

A glance at the festival menu card reveals that Namkha has designed a small range of non-vegetarian and vegetarian Tibetan dishes that include momos, stuffed fried pies, noodle soup meal and desserts.

“Restaurants are hosting Chinese, Thai, Vietnamese, Japanese, Korean food festivals but not Tibetan. So we decided to showcase Tibetan cuisine for our guests,” Namkha said pouring the thickish tea into a small cup.

While some Burmese dishes like mohinga, atho, khao suey are popular, it is true not much is known about the Tibetan dishes mostly made with meat, barley, dairy products and leafy vegetables grown in the high altitude region.

I took a small sip first and found the initial taste to be like a new tea flavoured soup. And much to the surprise of Namkha and his colleagues, the cup not only got empty but a refill was asked.

“Perhaps a different name than calling it as a tea would have removed the mental block about the drink,” said a staffer.

Displaying a strong flavoured cake, Namkha showed it was nothing else but dried tea leaves compressed into a cake.

A portion of the cake is boiled in water and then normal salted butter is added to the decoction.

“Yak butter is not available here and it will give out more strong smell,” he said.

Then, starters — momos (chicken and potato) and shapaley (chicken, lamb and vegetables) — arrived at the table.

While the non-veg stuffings are made in the traditional manner, the dough for the outer covering is made with maida and not barley flour as the latter will be thick and may not be in sync with the usual expectations of the guests, Namkha said.

“The difference between Chinese and the Tibetan momos lies in the fat. We mix fat with the non-veg stuffing which makes the momos juicier. Further, fat is essential for people living in high altitudes like Tibet,” Namkha said.

What he said was true about the chicken momos while the potato momo was also good.

The half moon-shaped fried dish shapaley with minced chicken/lamb meat, spring onion, cilantro and garlic stuffing was also a good way to start a meal.

Meanwhile, chicken thukpa (whole meal chicken noodle soup) was brought to the table in a big bowl.

The chicken, noodles, black fungus mushroom and vegetables were in liberal quantities and tasted nice but mild.

A liberal dash of pepper is also suggested for those who want their meal a bit spicy and one need not have to add salt.

There are beef and vegetable options as well.

The noodle soup meal was followed by tasty shaptra tingmo (stir fry of meat tossed in oyster sauce, celery and fresh chilli, served with tingmo, a steamed bun).

The steamed bun – normal and garlic – and the meat dish are made for each other and tasted yummy.

Namkha also offers phingsha mokro (stir fry glass noodle and black fungus mushroom, served with rice) with beef, chicken and vegetarian options.

Those with a sweet tooth can go for the lip-smacking Tibetan rice cooked with unsalted butter and mixed with dry fruits or the tsampa pancake with roasted corn and barley.

FAQs

Where: Chap Chay restaurant at The Raintree, St. Mary’s Road, Alwarpet

Lunch and Dinner: Both. Dishes are available on a la carte basis or on a full meal basis.

Price: The Tibetan meal costs Rs.1,199 excluding taxes.

Date: The festival is till Sep 27

TIBET AWARENESS - TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL. HIMALAYAN PINK ROCK SALT.
TIBET AWARENESS – TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL. HIMALAYAN PINK ROCK SALT.
TIBET AWARENESS - TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL
TIBET AWARENESS – TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL
TIBET AWARENESS - TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL
TIBET AWARENESS – TASTE OF TIBET FOOD FESTIVAL IN MADRAS, CHENNAI. YAK BUTTER.