Kasturi-Sarvepalli-Mylapore-Madras-India-Tibet-US-Connection

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY

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SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY.

On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy on 35th President’s 100th birthday. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated in India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform Tibetan Resistance Movement into regular fighting force.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY.

Special Frontier Force symbolizes Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

Special Frontier Force Remembers John F Kennedy’s Legacy on 35th President’s 100th Birthday.

White House

John F Kennedy’s life and legacy remembered on 35th president’s 100th birthday

Published May 29, 2017

Fox News

Special Frontier Force Remembers John F Kennedy’s Legacy on 35th President’s 100th Birthday.

In this Feb. 27, 1959 file photo, Sen. John F. Kennedy, D-Mass., is shown in his office in Washington. Monday, May 29, 2017 marks the 100-year anniversary of the birth of Kennedy, who went on to become the 35th President of the United States. (AP Photo, File) (AP 1959)

As Americans celebrate this Memorial Day, they also will remember the life and legacy of President John F. Kennedy who was born 100 years ago this Monday.

While the 35th president left a mixed legacy following his assassination in Dallas in 1963, Kennedy remains nearly as popular today as he did during his time in office, and he arguably created the idea of a president’s “brand” that has become commonplace in American politics.

“President Kennedy and First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy worked hard to construct a positive image of themselves, what I call the Kennedy brand,” Michael Hogan, author of ‘The Afterlife of John Fitzgerald Kennedy: A Biography.’ “And because history is as much about forgetting as remembering, they made every effort to filter out information at odds with that image.”

In commemoration of JFK’s 100th birthday, Fox News has compiled a rundown on the life of the 35th president:

Born on May 29, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts to Joseph “Joe” Kennedy and Rose Elizabeth Fitzgerald Kennedy

In 1940, Kennedy graduated cum laude from Harvard College with a Bachelor of Arts in government

From 1941 to 1945, Kennedy commanded three patrol torpedo boats in South Pacific during World War II, including the PT-109 which was sunk by a Japanese destroyer

In 1946, Kennedy was elected to Congress for Massachusetts’s 11th congressional district and served three terms

Elected to the U.S. Senate to represent Massachusetts in 1952

Kennedy marries Jacqueline Bouvier, a writer with the Washington Times-Herald, in 1953

Receives the Pulitzer Prize in 1957 for his book “Profiles in Courage”

Elected President of the United States in 1960, becoming the youngest person elected to the country’s highest office, and the first Roman Catholic president.

He is credited with overseeing the creation and launch of the Peace Corps

Sent 3,000 U.S. troops to support the desegregation of the University of Mississippi after riots there left two dead and many others injured

Approved the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 intending to overthrow Cuban leader Fidel Castro

In 1962, Kennedy oversaw the Cuban Missile Crisis — seen as one of the most crucial periods of the U.S.’s Cold War with the Soviet Union

Signed a nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union in July 1963

Asked Congress to approve more than $22 billion for Project Apollo with the goal of landing an American on the moon by the end of the 1960s

Escalated involvement in the conflict in Vietnam and approved the overthrow of Vietnam’s President Ngô Đình Diệm. By the time of the war’s end in 1975, more than 58,000 U.S. troops were killed in the conflict

Assassinated by Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

Special Frontier Force Remembers John F Kennedy’s Legacy on 35th President’s 100th Birthday.

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Special Frontier Force Remembers John F Kennedy’s Legacy on 35th President’s 100th Birthday.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS

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SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS:

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON MAY 30, 1948 TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO US PRESIDENT HARRY TRUMAN WHO PAID TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       On Monday, May 29, Memorial Day 2017, Special Frontier Force expects United States, India, and Tibet to pay tribute to their Fallen Soldiers, and Serving Soldiers of Tibetan Resistance Movement while they continue to be Unknown Soldiers.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada                                                                                                                     SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON OCTOBER 12, 1949 TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO INDIAN PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU WHO PAID TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                      
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON MAY 30, 1963, TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO US PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY WHO PAID TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                          
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON MAY 28, 1984 TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO US PRESIDENT RONALD REAGAN WHO PAID HIS TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON MAY 29, 2000 TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO US PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON WHO PAID TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             
Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Unknown Soldiers. On May 25, 2015, Tibetan Resistance Movement was known to President Barack Obama participating in a Memorial Day wreath laying at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va., (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              
Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Unknown Soldiers. On January 19, 2017 Tibetan Resistance Movement was known to President-elect Trump as he paid his tribute to Unknown Soldiers.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS. ON JANUARY 19, 2017 TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WAS KNOWN TO 45th US PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP AS HE PAID TRIBUTE TO UNKNOWN SOLDIERS.                                                                                                                                                                               
Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Unknown Soldiers.The Arlington National Cemetery observes its 150 anniversary with a wreath laying ceremony at the Memorial Amphitheater, Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Arlington, Va., June 16, 2014. (U.S. Army photo by Alfredo Barraza)
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – MEMORIAL DAY TRIBUTE TO RESPECT, HONOR, AND CELEBRATE FALLEN SOLDIERS. TOMB OF UNKNOWN SOLDIER AT ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY.

On Memorial Day, United States honors its citizens who have died in War. Originally commemorating soldiers killed in the American Civil War, the observance was later extended to all US war dead. The holiday is observed on the last Monday in the month of May and an official tradition began in 1971, the same year during which I had witnessed the death of some young soldiers who served in Special Frontier Force, which is known as Establishment No. 22 in India. Approximately, one million men and women died in defense of the United States since 1775. I cannot give a precise count of the men and women who died serving the cause of Freedom at Special Frontier Force.
The custom of honoring the graves of the war dead began before the close of the Civil War. In 1868, Commander-in-Chief John A. Logan of the Grand Army of the Republic issued a general order designating May 30, 1868 “for the purpose of strewing with flowers or otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country during the late rebellion.”

Tibetan soldiers with whom I served in Special Frontier Force died in the remote jungles of Chittagong Hill Tracts while our military action code-named ‘Operation Eagle’ initiated Liberation of Bangladesh during November – December 1971. We buried them or cremated them and our fallen comrades have no graves which I can visit for purpose of strewing with flowers or otherwise decorating the sites where they died to defend the cause of Freedom. However, I am pleased to remember them and honor them on this Memorial Day for we fought our battles with weapons, ammunition, field gear, medical supplies, rations, radio sets, and other military supplies provided by the United States. We are partners with India and the United States to defend Tibet and restore its lost Freedom.

On this Memorial Day while I pay my tribute to honor memory of the fallen Tibetan soldiers of Special Frontier Force, I respectfully remind the US and India to renew our pledge to work in support of Peace, Justice, Freedom and Democracy in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Fallen Soldiers. The tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery.

 

Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Fallen Soldiers. President Barack Obama at Arlington National Cemetery.
Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Fallen Soldiers. Arlington National Cemetery.

 

Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Fallen Soldiers. Arlington National Cemetery.

 

Special Frontier Force – Memorial Day Tribute to Fallen Soldiers. Arlington National Cemetery.

 

NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

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NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR.

‘TIBET: THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR’ fails to describe Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason during 1971-72 when Americans were fighting a bloody War in Vietnam against Communists supported by Soviet Union and Red China. As I was part of this CIA Mission in Tibet, I knew that Tibet and India were willing to help the US by fighting against Communists inside Tibet rather than directly engaging Communists in Vietnam. Tibet and India want to choose their Battlefield in full support of the US Policy to engage and contain the spread of Communism. The Central Intelligence Agency or CIA has no vested powers to wage or fight wars. “The Cancelled War” is simply an act of Treason. The 37th President of the United States chose to provide support and comfort to the Enemy during War waged on behalf of the United States.

In 1971-72, CIA Mission in Tibet never ended. The Mission continued without direct participation of American nationals. I can appreciate CIA’s unwillingness to divulge the truth about its Mission which is always sanctioned by the executive powers vested in the US President. In my analysis, this War will be fought to restore Balance of Power in Southern Asia.

Rudranarasimham, Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

TIBET: THE CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

JONATHAN MIRSKY

NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – CIA’S CANCELLED WAR

Lhamo Tsering Collection

Resistance fighters on the Tibetan border during the early years of the CIA’s Tibet program

For much of the past century, US relations with Tibet have been characterized by kowtowing to the Chinese and hollow good wishes for the Dalai Lama. As early as 1908, William Rockhill, a US diplomat, advised the Thirteenth Dalai Lama that “close and friendly relations with China are absolutely necessary, for Tibet is and must remain a portion of the Ta Ts’ing [Manchu] Empire for its own good.” Not much has changed with the Fourteenth Dalai Lama one hundred years later. After a meeting in 2011 with President Obama in the White House Map Room—the Oval Office being too official—the Dalai Lama was ushered out the back door, past the garbage cans. All this, of course, is intended to avoid condemnation from Beijing, which regards even the mildest criticism of its Tibet policy as “interference.”

However, there was one dramatic departure from the minimalist approach. For nearly two decades after the 1950 Chinese takeover of Tibet, the CIA ran a covert operation designed to train Tibetan insurgents and gather intelligence about the Chinese, as part of its efforts to contain the spread of communism around the world. Though little known today, the program produced at least one spectacular intelligence coup and provided a source of support for the Dalai Lama. On the eve of Richard Nixon’s historic 1972 meeting with Mao, the program was abruptly cancelled, thus returning the US to its traditional arms-length policy toward Tibet. But this did not end the long legacy of mistrust that continues to color Chinese-American relations. Not only was the Chinese government aware of the CIA program; in 1992, it published a white paper on the subject. The paper included information drawn from reliable Western sources about the agency’s activities, but laid the primary blame for the insurgency on the “Dalai Lama clique,” a phrase Beijing still uses today.

The insurgency began after the People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibet following its defeat of the Nationalists, and after Beijing forced the Dalai Lama’s government to recognize Chinese administration over the region. In 1955, a group of local Tibetan leaders secretly plotted an armed uprising, and rebellion broke out a year later, with the rebels besieging local government institutions and killing hundreds of government staff as well as Han Chinese people. In May 1957, a rebel organization and a rebel fighting force were founded, and began killing communist officials, disrupting communication lines, and attacking institutions and Chinese army troops stationed in the region.

By that point, the rebellion had gained American backing. In the early 1950s, the CIA began to explore ways to aid the Tibetans as part of its growing campaign to contain Communist China. By the second half of the decade, “Project Circus” had been formally launched, Tibetan resistance fighters were being flown abroad for training, and weapons and ammunition were being airdropped at strategic locations inside Tibet. In 1959, the agency opened a secret facility to train Tibetan recruits at Camp Hale near Leadville, Colorado, partly because the location, more than 10,000 feet above sea level, might approximate the terrain of the Himalayas. According to one account, some 170 “Kamba guerrillas” passed through the Colorado program.

While the CIA effort never produced a mass uprising against the Chinese occupiers, it did provide one of the greatest intelligence successes of the Cold War, in the form of a vast trove of Chinese army documents captured by Tibetan fighters and turned over to the CIA in 1961. These revealed the loss of morale among Chinese soldiers, who had learned of the vast famine that was wracking China during The Great Leap Forward. Over the next decade, however, there was growing disagreement in Washington over the CIA’s activities in Tibet, and in 1971, as Henry Kissinger prepared for Nixon’s meeting with Mao, the program was wound down.

“Although Tibet may not have been on the table in the Beijing talks, the era of official US support for the Tibetan cause was over,” recalled John Kenneth Knaus, a forty-year CIA veteran, in his 1999 book Orphans of the Cold War: America and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival. “There was no role for Tibet in Kissinger’s new equation.” By 1975, President Gerald Ford could say to a skeptical Deng Xiaoping, China’s future leader, “Let me assure you, Mr. Vice-Premier, that we oppose and do not support any [United States] governmental action as far as Tibet is concerned.”

Many friends of Tibet and admirers of the Dalai Lama, who has always advocated nonviolence, believe he knew nothing about the CIA program. But Gyalo Thondup, one of the Dalai Lama’s brothers, was closely involved in the operations, and Knaus, who took part in the operation, writes that “Gyalo Thondup kept his brother the Dalai Lama informed of the general terms of the CIA support.” According to Knaus, starting in the late 1950s, the Agency paid the Dalai Lama $15,000 a month. Those payments came to an end in 1974.

In 1999, I asked the Dalai Lama if the CIA operation had been harmful for Tibet. “Yes, that is true,” he replied. The intervention was harmful, he suggested, because it was primarily aimed at serving American interests rather than helping the Tibetans in any lasting way. “Once the American policy toward China changed, they stopped their help,” he told me. “Otherwise our struggle could have gone on. Many Tibetans had great expectations of CIA [air] drops, but then the Chinese army came and destroyed them. The Americans had a different agenda from the Tibetans.”

This was exactly right, and the different goals of the Agency and the Tibetans are explored fully by the Tibetan-speaking anthropologist Carole McGranahan in her Arrested Histories: Tibet, the CIA, and Memories of a Forgotten War (2010). Although sometimes clouded by anthropological jargon, her account fascinatingly explores how differently from their American counterparts the Tibetan veterans remember the CIA operation. A striking example is the matter of the Chinese army documents, whose capture in a Tibetan ambush of a high-ranking Chinese officer is depicted in grisly detail in a huge painting in the CIA’s museum in Washington. In addition to revealing low Chinese morale, the documents disclosed the extent of Chinese violence in Tibet. “This information was the only documentary proof the Tibetan government [in exile] had of the Chinese atrocities and was therefore invaluable,” McGranahan notes. Yet the documents and their capture rarely came up during her long interview sessions with the veterans. “Why is it that this achievement, so valued by the US and Tibetan governments, is not remotely as memorable for [the] soldiers?”

One reason is that the Tibetan fighters were told nothing about the value of the documents, which they couldn’t read. One veteran explains to her:

Our soldiers attacked Chinese trucks and seized some documents of the Chinese government. After that the Americans increased our pay scale. Nobody knew what the contents of those documents were. At that time, questions weren’t asked. If you asked many questions, then others would be suspicious of you.

The leader of the ambush tells her that “as a reward the CIA gave me an Omega chronograph,” but he, too, had little knowledge of the documents’ importance. As McGranahan shows in extensive detail, the veterans were preoccupied above all by their devotion to the Dalai Lama, whom they wanted to resume his position as supreme leader of an independent Tibet.

After the CIA mission was ended, Tibet became increasingly marginal to Washington’s China policy, as Knaus has now made clear in a second book, Beyond Shangri-la: America and Tibet’s Move into the Twenty-First Century. The reality is that American presidents now face a world power in Beijing. In language that sums up the cats-cradle of American justifications for ignoring Tibet, ex-Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia Marshall Green recalls to Knaus, “there was nothing we could do to help the Tibetans except by improving our relations with the Chinese Communists so that we might be in a position to exert pressure on them to moderate their policies towards the Tibetans.” Green “admitted that this was ‘perhaps a rationalization.'”

President Obama will soon meet the new Chinese leader, Xi Jinping. His advisers will have reminded him of the encounter between his predecessor, Bill Clinton, and then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin on June 27, 1998. In that meeting, Clinton assured Jiang that, “I agree that Tibet is a part of China, an autonomous region of China. And I can understand why the acknowledgement of that would be a precondition of dialog with the Dalai Lama.” Banking on his well-known charm, Mr. Clinton added, “I have spent time with the Dalai Lama. I believe him to be an honest man, and I believe if he had a conversation with President Jiang, they would like each other very much.” Jiang, it is reported, threw back his head and laughed. Clinton’s suggestion was omitted from the official Chinese transcript.

April 9, 2013, 2:29 pm


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NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – CIA’S CANCELLED WAR.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

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SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon  Connection. In 1972,  at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.  I call it Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection.

I am sharing pictures of Sela Pass near Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh (North East Frontier Agency or NEFA), India, to recall my visit to Tawang in 1972 at the request of Nixon administration. President Richard M. Nixon after his famous visit to Peking to establish friendly relations with Communist China, surprised me when his Administration contacted my Unit to place surveillance equipment inside Tibet to monitor China’s nuclear tests. To perform that task, my Unit personnel did not require Passports or Visa documents for Tibet is claimed by them as their own territory.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

The Sela Pass is the high altitude mountain pass in Tawang District of Arunachal Pradesh, India. It is at elevation of 13,700 feet.

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTctDgy6XT8

 

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, just a few months after President Nixon’s Visit to Peking, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon – Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – India- Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. At the request of Nixon Administration in 1972, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.
Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon Administration, I visited Tawang.

 

WHAT IS MILITARY INTELLIGENCE? TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

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TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

 

Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security. The Gorichen Range, the highest mountain range of the Arunachal Pradesh separates Tibet from Tawang in India.
TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. People’s Republic of China claimed Indian territories of Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh.

On October 22, 2010, People’s Republic of China has launched an official online mapping service and has formally claimed the entire state of ‘Arunachal Pradesh’ and Aksai Chin region of India’s Ladakh region of the State of Jammu and Kashmir as its own territory. Beijing claims Arunachal Pradesh and has named that area as ‘Southern Tibet’. The Simla Agreement of 1914, and the McMahon Treaty between British India, Tibet, and Manchu China had established the McMahon Line as the legitimate boundary between India and Tibet. Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh was under Tibetan domination during early 19th century. Tibetans consider Tawang as holy land as their Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsang Yang Gyatso ( The Precious Ocean of Pure Melody ), a great poet was born there during 1683. However, the 13th Dalai Lama had ceded this territory to British India and had agreed that McMahon Line determines the Indo-Tibetan border. During Communist China’s unilateral military attack on India in 1962, the Indian government had declared that McMahon Line as the official boundary between India and Tibet which came under China’s military occupation since 1950.  

The Security of Arunachal Pradesh is better served by Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama, Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh is the boundary recognized by India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
The McMahon Treaty of 1914 and the McMahon Line establish the boundary between India and Tibet. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
To defend Northeast India, to curb the activities of insurgents and rebels, India must support Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

India and China have already held 13 rounds of talks to resolve the boundary issue. General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC  served as India’s Chief of Army Staff from 22 November 1994 to 30 September 1997. In a recent article published in The Asian Age, he described  problem of the future security of Arunachal Pradesh. So also, India’s Chief of Army Staff, General V K Singh while addressing a seminar on “Indian Army : Emerging Roles and Tasks” on October 19, 2010 said that China and Pakistan are “irritants” for India.  

General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC was India’s 20th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
General Vijay Kumar Singh, AVSM, India’s 26th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY : SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE DEFENDING FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN TIBET:

 

Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army had served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force prior to his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant General. He may be aware of the Primary Mission of Special Frontier Force.
Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh Suhag AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force from April 2009 to March 2011 in the rank of Major General. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.
TIBET'S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA'S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA'S ENEMIES.
TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA’S ENEMIES. TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.

 

 

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.

China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950 has subjected India to a variety of pressures. India will forever be subjected to pressures: militarily, politically, environmentally, and now, sharing of River waters if Tibet remains under Chinese military occupation. India, for its own Security, and for the future Security of Arunachal Pradesh needs Tibet to exist as a ‘Buffer Zone’ between India and China. Tibetan People have their legitimate Rights to defend their own Culture, Religion, Language, National Identity, Tibetan Buddhist Institutions and historical freedom to their own way of life. People of the entire Free World must come together and demand Tibet’s Independence from illegal Chinese occupation. The bilateral trade and commerce between China and India has allowed China to loot and plunder India’s natural resources without firing a bullet. China has colonized India and is exploiting its natural resources without the need for military occupation. China may not launch or initiate a large-scale military invasion of India as long as this lucrative trade in minerals and manufactured goods flourishes. However, India cannot afford to ignore this security threat and risk posed by China’s military occupation of Tibet. Tibet’s Independence would be in India’s interest and it would be India’s Security. 

THE SPIRITS OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE:

I would invite all readers of this blog post to visit Facebook Page of The Spirits of Special Frontier Force and “LIKE” the Page to show their support for establishing Freedom and Democracy in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada,

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

 

THE ASIAN AGE: 

Oct 19th, 2010  

General Shankar Roychowdhury  

All wars commence in the mind, and escalate with words. “Zhang Nan” or “Southern Tibet”, the designation bestowed by the People’s Republic of China on India’s state of Arunachal Pradesh bordering Tibet, is one such example. China now claims Arunachal Pradesh as its historic territory comprising the three southern districts of the Tawang Tract unilaterally acquired by the then British Empire after the Treaty of Simla in 1913. New demands, which were first articulated around 2005, initially concerned Tawang as a traditional tributary region of Lhasa, being the birthplace of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Tsangyang Gyatso, enthroned 1697, probably murdered 1706 by Mongol guards who were escorting him to Beijing under arrest). Subsequently, a day prior to the visit of China’s President Hu Jintao to India in 2006, Sun Yuxi, the then Chinese ambassador to India, stridently reiterated in public China’s claims to the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh in a deliberately provocative gesture designed to put New Delhi on notice of Beijing’s intention to dominate the agenda of interaction according to its own priorities. In a longer-term perspective, these needlessly provocative claims could escalate to a flash point with the potential to provoke a major confrontation between the two countries, and create an existential crisis for the entire region, a contingency for which India has to prepare itself adequately.  

Indian reaction has been characteristically muted, constantly choosing to soft pedal and play down the issue — a unilateral gesture of restraint regardless of the degree of blatant provocation, which exasperated many in this country. It is seen as making a virtue out of necessity, because India has neglected to build up the requisite capabilities to adopt stronger alternatives. This is surely an unenviable position for a country seeking to promote itself as a major power for a permanent seat on the Security Council.  

The present Sino-Indian equation is almost irresistibly reminiscent of the run-up to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and provides a fascinating playback of China’s postures at that time with its disconcertingly similar sequence of claims along the McMahon Line in North East Frontier Agency (Nefa), as well as along the Uttar Pradesh-Tibet border and in Ladakh, as relics of historic injustices perpetrated in earlier days by British imperialists. A naive and militarily ill-prepared India, with an exaggerated self-image of its own international relevance as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, had sought to dissuade a determined China with platitudinous Nehruvian philosophies of anti-colonial solidarity, all of which were contemptuously disposed of by “a whiff of grapeshot” on the desolate slopes of the Namkha Chu and Rezang La. India’s collapse and comprehensive downsizing in short order in 1962 was primarily because it lacked military capability vis-a-vis China, a fatal flaw which has a disconcerting tendency of repeating itself when lessons of earlier debacles wear off from the country, as they seem to be doing now. “1962 redux” is slowly grinding into gear again, with end results unforeseeable, except that an enhanced replay at some stage (2020?) can never be totally discounted. India must not repeat its follies of the past because this time around it has been adequately forewarned.  

To recover and reunify what it perceives as its lost territories, notably Tibet and Taiwan, the People’s Republic of China has never swerved from its other such claims pertaining to areas along the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Indian borders, besides smaller island entities in the South and East China Seas, to which has now been added the complete territory of India’s Arunachal Pradesh under its new Chinese appellation.  

India has to evaluate the threat potential of the situation dispassionately but realistically, having reference to China’s demonstrated determination to set its own history in order. Tibet was successfully concluded in 1950 when the People’s Liberation Army marched into the country against a feeble and disjointed resistance, and re-established China’s authority. Taiwan has been an infructuous effort so far only because of the massive support and protection of the United States, which has guaranteed the independence of that country with the presence of its Seventh Fleet.  

The border of Arunachal Pradesh, and Ladakh cannot be resolved through diplomacy and mediation (again as in 1962), India will be left with starkly limited options — either capitulation to China, or military defence of its territory. In the latter contingency, even a speculative overview would suggest that for India a full-fledged Sino-India war would likely be a “two-and-a-half front”, with Pakistan and China combining in tandem, and an additional internal half front against affiliated terrorist networks already emplaced and functional within the country. For India it would be a combination of 1962, together with all of India’s wars against Pakistan (1947-65, ’71 and ’99), upgraded to future dimensions and extending over land, aerial, maritime space and cyberspace domains. Nuclear exchange at some stage, strategic, tactical or both, would remain a distinct possibility, admittedly a worst case, but one which cannot be ignored. The magnitude of losses in terms of human, material and economic costs to all participants can only be speculated upon at present.  

China is obviously very much ahead of India in military capabilities, a comparative differential which will be further skewed with Pakistan’s resources coming into play. India has to develop its own matching capabilities in short order, especially the ability to reach out and inflict severe punitive damage to the heartlands of its adversaries, howsoever distant. There would be national, regional and international repercussions that would severely affect the direct participants as also close bystanders like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan, if not countries further afield as well.  

Any future Sino-Indian conflict is a doomsday scenario, straight out of Dr Strangelove, a zero-sum calculus that must not allowed to occur. China must restrain itself regarding its alleged claims to India’s Arunachal be Pradesh. History has moved on — attempts to reverse it are futile.  

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Member of Parliament.
  

TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – INDIA, TIBET, AND UNITED STATES FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION

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TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – INDIA, TIBET, AND UNITED STATES FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION

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Special Frontier Force welcomes India, Tibet, and United States Friendship and Cooperation to promote Democracy, Peace, and Human Rights.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

NEWSOK

India Tibet US

Published on NewsOK Published: January 15, 2016 Updated: 13 hours ago
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U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)

U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)
U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)

Related Photos

Photo - U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, left, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from right, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)Photo - U.S. Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, right, walks out of the airport with the Tibetan prime minister Lobsang Sangay, second from left, on her arrival in Dharmsala, India, Friday, Jan. 15, 2016. Sewall is scheduled to see the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama at his residence on Saturday. (AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia)+

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Sarah Sewall in Dharamsala.
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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET

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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER WITH INDIAN PRESIDENT DR BABU RAJENDRA PRASAD AT RASHTRAPATI BHAVAN, NEW DELHI. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US WORK TOGETHER TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. PHOTO TAKEN IN DECEMBER 1959.

Balance of Power refers to distribution of military and economic power among nations that is sufficiently even to keep any one of them from being too strong or dangerous. The term ‘Balance’ describes a state of equilibrium or equipoise, equality in power between two nations. Red China’s economic and military power is far greater than power of Tibet and hence there is no equilibrium in Tibet. Red China’s overwhelming economic and military power has serious consequences to all nations in her neighborhood. To restore this Balance of Power, Tibet has willingly joined a larger group by allying with India, and United States. Special Frontier Force is a military organization that represents Tibet’s alliance with India and USA. While Red China demands “STABILITY” in Occupied Tibet, Tibet and the alliance partners reject Red China’s demand for it will not resolve the problem of Balance of Power. To the same extent, Red China has rejected Tibet’s demand for meaningful autonomy or “MIDDLE WAY” as means to restore Tibet Equilibrium.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.

Most of my readers know that CIA takes orders from the Executive Branch of Power called US Presidency. The other two branches of Power are known as the US Congress(Legislative Power) and the US Supreme Court(Judicial Power) and the Balance of Power between these three branches is maintained by US Constitution. CIA has no external source of funding for its activities. The US Congress approves National Budget for  funding requests submitted by Executive Branch. Hotel Mount Annapurna in Nepal that supported CIA operation,  was funded by US President Richard M Nixon and American citizens, the taxpayers who provide funds to the Government for further use as allocated by a Budget plan duly approved by representatives of elected by people and signed into a Law by the US President. I categorically affirm that all CIA operations to help Tibetan Guerillas are funded by the US Congress and Budget Laws signed by the US President. I thank US President Dwight David Eisenhower and the US Congress for supporting Tibetan Resistance Movement to counteract Red China’s Evil Power.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 
         
The Spirits of Special Frontier ForceThe Spirits of Special Frontier Force, Ann Arbor, MI. At Special Frontier Force, I host ‘The Living Tibetan Spirits’…
 
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The CIA’s Secret Himalayan Hotel for Tibetan Guerillas

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

NOLAN W PETERSON @nolanwpeterson October 30, 2015

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA IN NEPAL OPENED IN 1973, WITH FUNDING SANCTIONED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was opened in 1973 as part of a CIA program to rehabilitate former Tibetan guerillas. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

POKHARA, Nepal—It’s been 43 years since the CIA cut off support to the Tibetan guerillas that the agency trained and armed to fight a covert war against China. Yet, a monument to the CIA’s secret war in Tibet is still standing in Pokhara, Nepal.

The former Hotel Mount Annapurna building sits on a quiet side street off the Pokhara airport. Established in 1972 with CIA funds, the hotel was meant to give former Tibetan resistance fighters based in Nepal’s nearby Mustang region a livelihood and a future as they laid down their arms and transitioned to life as refugees.

Tibetan guerillas and their families ran the hotel until it closed in 2010. Today, the Hotel Mount Annapurna building is a nursing school. The aging concrete structure with 1960s lines looks tired and nondescript. Paint is peeling off the exterior walls. The once lush and well manicured landscaping is overgrown and wilted. This relic of the CIA’s secret Cold War guerilla campaign in Tibet is now locked behind a rusting metal gate and easily overlooked. It is in a part of town into which tourists rarely venture.

The area around the Pokhara airport was prime real estate in the 1970s. But business slowly dried up as Pokhara’s tourism center of gravity shifted to the Phewa Lake shoreline to accommodate waves of hippies and trekkers. The Lodrik Welfare Fund—an NGO that former Tibetan resistance fighters created in 1983 to provide welfare for veterans and their families—currently owns the property and rents it out to the Gandaki Medical College.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA WAS FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON in 1973. NOW IS RENTED TO A MEDICAL SCHOOL. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

The former hotel is now a nursing school. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“This used to be the best spot, but we shut down because there was no business,” said Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. His father was a Mustang resistance fighter.
Gyatso was born in Pokhara in 1972. He worked at the Hotel Mount Annapurna from 1989 to 2010 and was the hotel’s manager at the time it shut down.

Gyatso currently works next door to the former hotel property out of the same offices that were a command center for the Mustang resistance in the 1960s and 1970s—the office he works in was opened in 1962 for the resistance movement. “My father worked in this very office when he was an intelligence officer for the resistance,” Gyatso said.

OVERLOOKED LEGACY

Today there are few visible clues to the former hotel’s guerilla heritage. In the lobby there is a framed poster of Mt. Kailas (the most holy mountain in Tibet), which is hanging next to a painting of the hotel in its glory days. There is also a painted mural on the wall of the main stairwell, the imagery of which pays homage to the fighting spirit of Tibet’s resistance fighters.

The security guard at the gate offered a confused look when asked about the building’s Cold War history. Younger shop owners on the adjacent street shrugged their shoulders politely and said they knew nothing about Tibetan resistance fighters. A few older shop owners, however, acknowledged the hotel used to be run by “Khampas”—a reference to Tibet’s Kham region, which is known for its warriors and bandits and was the birthplace of Tibet’s guerilla campaign after the 1950 Chinese invasion.

Those who knew about the hotel’s past, however, were reluctant to talk about it. Questions about the CIA and Tibetan resistance movement spurred worried looks and anxious body language. One older shop owner, a Sherpa from the Solukhumbu region near Mt. Everest, offered an explanatory hint when he claimed pressure from Maoist rebels during Nepal’s civil war (1996-2006) forced the hotel to shut down. As proof, he pointed to Maoist graffiti on a wall across from the hotel’s entrance.
“They’re bullies,” the old Sherpa said, speaking about Maoist rebels. “And they didn’t get along with the Khampas.”

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. FORMER HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA IN NEPAL BEARS MUTE TESTIMONY TO A FUNDING DECISION MADE BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON IN 1973. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Maoist rebel graffiti outside the former Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Gyatso disputes the claim, however, and insists that a struggling bottom line forced the hotel’s closure. “We have a friendly relationship with the Maoists,” Gyatso said. “Some of them stayed in the hotel. I know many old Tibetans think communists are the enemy, but we never had a problem with them.”

Gyatso did acknowledge, however, that Communist labor unions contributed to the hotel’s demise. The hotel initially employed only Tibetans, but pressure from unions spurred the hotel to ultimately employ a mix of Tibetans and Nepalese. At its height, the hotel had about 40 employees. But as business tapered in the 1990s and early 2000s, Gyatso said the unions tied his hands when he tried to streamline staff and cut down on expenses.

“The Unified Marxist-Leninist Party workers union gave us a lot of trouble,” he said. “They demanded a lot and basically put us out of business.”

The Lodrik Welfare Fund is an evolution of the Mustang resistance bureaucracy, which is now dedicated to welfare, not armed insurgency. While the hotel was operational, it generated revenue for the Lodrik Welfare Fund to finance schools and public works for Tibetan refugees around Pokhara and to provide benefits for Tibetan resistance veterans. Now only a thin slice of revenue from the building’s rent goes toward the NGO’s welfare projects. The majority of funding comes from foreign sponsors—many of whom are anonymous Americans.

The CIA did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether it was still providing any support for the veterans of the Mustang resistance living around Pokhara. But Gyatso said there was no ongoing U.S. government support for the guerilla fighter veterans or their descendants.

“There’s no official U.S. support,” Gyatso said. “But of course the U.S. should help us. They used us to fight China for them and then they dropped us on the spot. They should do something for us.”

NO MORE BAD BLOOD

The CIA began training and arming Tibetan guerillas in 1957. Initially, the Tibetan resistance fighters, called the Chushi-Gangdruk, were based inside Tibet. But in the 1960s groups of fighters also set up bases in Nepal’s Mustang region, from which they conducted raids across the border into China.

The Mustang resistance, as the Nepal-based fighters came to be known, were supported by CIA funds until 1972, when President Richard Nixon normalized relations with China and the CIA’s Tibetan operation ended. The Mustang resistance continued without U.S. support until 1974, when Nepal, bowing to pressure from China, sent soldiers into the arid Himalayan region to root out the Tibetan guerillas.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was the CIA’s olive branch to the Mustang fighters, attempting to give the former guerrillas (many of whom had no education or professional skills beyond soldiering) a chance to make a livelihood as they transitioned to life as refugees.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. TSULTRIM GYATSO, FORMER MANAGER OF HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M. NIXON. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“After surrender, it took at least 15 years before the soldiers could finally reintegrate into normal life,” Gyatso said. “The CIA was good in the beginning, but they abandoned us.”

Today, resistance fighter veterans and their descendants still do not have Nepalese citizenship, and most do not have paperwork identifying them as refugees—making it impossible to travel abroad, get a driver’s license, open a bank account or start a business. They live in refugee camps around Pokhara and are largely dependent on welfare for their survival.
“Babies don’t even have birth certificates,” Gyatso said. “We just need a paper to identify ourselves so we can work.”

The Mustang resistance raids ultimately did little to seriously damage China’s occupation of Tibet, but the intelligence Tibetan fighters gathered was sometimes of great value to the United States. A raid on a Chinese convoy in 1961, for example, killed a Chinese regimental commander and provided the CIA with what it later referred to as the “bible” on Chinese military intelligence.

A faction of Mustang resistance fighters under the command of Baba Yeshi collaborated with Nepal in 1974 by giving up their compatriots’ positions, clearing the way for an operation that killed many Tibetan guerillas, including their CIA-trained commander, General Gyato Wangdu. Yeshi’s Tibetan collaborators went on to create prosperous carpet-making enterprises in Kathmandu. And unlike the descendants of the Mustang resistance fighters around Pokhara, the descendants of the Tibetan collaborators enjoy Nepalese citizenship, according to Gyatso.

Yet, Gyatso added, there is no more bad blood between the descendants of the Mustang resistance and those who betrayed them.
“There are no more divides between factions of the Mustang resistance,” Gyatso said. “We are all Tibetan. The history is there, yes. But we are all against the Chinese. Bad things happened, and His Holiness (the Dalai Lama) has forgiven them.”

Portrait of Nolan Peterson@nolanwpeterson

NOLAN PETERSON

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signal’s foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER APPROVED FUNDING OF TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WITH INDIA AND TIBET AS US PARTNERS.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER SANCTIONED FUNDS FOR SUPPORTING TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. RED CHINA’S ECONOMIC AND MILITARY POWER IMPOSES A HUGE IMBALANCE OF POWER IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER TOOK EXECUTIVE ACTION TO CORRECT THIS IMBALANCE.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. A SPECIAL TRIBUTE TO 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER FOR HIS PARTNERSHIP WITH TIBET AND INDIA TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.Photo by Bachrach. 1952.