Whole Dude – Whole Anniversary

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: "AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMAH; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA." Both India, and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

November 14 – The Birth Anniversary of Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment. AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967.

India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was the architect of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru is the architect of this military organization and hence the 14th Day of November, his birthday is linked to the birth of this organization. While Special Frontier Force is a product of Cold War Era secret diplomacy, I would like to share my personal story, the events from early childhood, that shaped the rest of my life and has formulated my bonding with this Organization and my desire to accomplish its military mission.

September 05-Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan's birthday — September 05. Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan belonged to Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai) and his daughter, Rukmini was married to the younger brother of my maternal grandfather, Dr. Kasturi. Narayana Murthy, M.D., who lived at 2/37 Kutchery Road in Mylapore. I was born at 2/37 Kutchery Road, Mylapore, my grandfather’s residence. While I lived in Mylapore and later during my regular summer vacations spent in Madras City, I used to visit Dr. Radhakrishnan’s daughter’s residence daily. At that time, Dr. Radhakrishnan served as the first Vice President of India (1952-1962). I clearly remember the celebration of 2500th Birth Anniversary of Gautama Buddha on May 24, 1956, while I was in Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai), and in India’s capital of New Delhi, the celebration was attended by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. The Institution of Dalai Lama is the central focus of Tibetan Cultural Identity and Tibetan national character.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan's birthday(05 September) as Teacher's Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter. — Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force -Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday(05 September) as Teacher’s Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter and the Indian President. He had correctly predicted the need for military action to fight injustice and during his Presidency, India bravely resisted the Chinese aggression and thousands of Indian Army soldiers gave their precious lives to defend India. It inspired me to serve in the Indian Armed Forces to continue the task of opposing, and resisting the threat posed by Communist China.

India – Tibet Relations From 1950 to 1962:

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha(Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Becuase of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to People's Republic of China's invasion of Tibet in 1950. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha (Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Because of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China had shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India, and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China had shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister Nehru to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche.

India had achieved its full independence from British rule on August 15, 1947. India became the Republic of India on January 26, 1950. Dr. Babu Rajendra Prasad became the first President of the Republic of India. The first general elections were held in 1952, and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who was at that time-serving as India’s ambassador to the Soviet Union, was elected as the first Vice President and he had served a second term as the Vice President from 1957 to 1962. India witnessed a major military threat to its Himalayan frontier when the People’s Republic of China sent its army during October 1950 to occupy Tibet while Tibetans had no ability to resist such a massive, military invasion of their territory. Tibet tried to resolve the issue using diplomacy. Tibet requested India to bring the issue to the attention of the United Nations to adopt a resolution against the Communist invasion. At that time Tibet was still following the policy of political isolationism, and neutralism and was not recognized by the United Nations as a member nation. The United States was fighting the Korean War and was fully interested in preventing the spread of Communism in Asia. However, Tibet did not request direct, US military intervention. India did not have the necessary military force of its own to intervene inside Tibet. At the same time, India had also actively pursued its own policy of political neutralism that is known as the Nonaligned Movement to reduce the political tensions caused by the Cold War. India thought that the crisis in Tibet could be resolved by directly negotiating with China without involving the United Nations. During 1951 Communist China had imposed a 17-Point Agreement on Tibet while Tibetans had no capacity to defend their rights; the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on 23rd May 1951 to take measures for the “Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” China started quoting this agreement to justify its illegal and unjust military occupation of Tibet. It must be clearly understood that the Great Fifth Dalai Lama founded the “Ganden Phodrang” Government of Tibet in 1642. The successive Dalai Lamas have headed the Tibetan State for nearly four centuries. Towards the end of the Qing Dynasty or Ching Dynasty, the Great 13th Dalai Lama declared Tibet’s Independence from Manchu China. From 1911 to 1950 – 39-Years, Tibet was an independent Nation before the creation of this political entity called The People’s Republic of China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet's isolationism. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India's President and Vice President. Both India, and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India’s President and Vice President. Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China's military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honour the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honor the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet who is seen seated between Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Both India, and Tibet desired friendly, and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: Both India and Tibet desired friendly and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China's policy of Expansionism. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China's military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai , and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: This photo image of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrates the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India's peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.

While Tibet tried its very best to please the Communist leaders of China, India had also pursued a similar policy to befriend China to address the problem of the military threat posed by the military occupation of Tibet. The “Panchsheela” Agreement of 1954 between India and the People’s Republic of China recognized Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, and India had agreed to withdraw its very small, military presence in Tibet. India believed that China would grant full autonomy to Tibet and preserve the political, and cultural institutions of Tibet. It must be noted that Tibet had not recognized or endorsed the agreement made by India and China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence(PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad(first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad (first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He had visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi(Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping(Deng Xiaoping). — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He had visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping).

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan had visited Peking during September 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan had visited Peking during September/October 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.

6 November 1961: President John F. Kennedy and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru arriving at Andrews Air Force Base and being greeted by Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson and Lady Bird Johnson, Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Mrs. Rusk, General Lyman Lemnitzer, and embassy staff members. United States Ambassador to India John Kenneth Galbraith also attends. President Kennedy and Prime Minister Nehru make addresses on a speaker’s stand, inspect troops, go through a reception line, and board a U.S. Army helicopter.

November 1961. The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

The Origin of Special Frontier Force -Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment:

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China's occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People's Liberation Army. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.

The need for the use of military force became inevitable after China made it abundantly clear that it would not negotiate its military occupation of Tibet and would not allow the traditional form of Tibetan Government as represented by the Institution of the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan Resistance Movement began with a very modest attempt to train some Tibetan nationals to fight the Chinese People’s Liberation Army that occupied Tibet.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010 was the first time that US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang(Nepal) Operation. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010, was the first time that the US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang(Nepal) Operation.

In 1957 it became very clear that Communist China would not relax its military grip over Tibet, and the hopes for limited Tibetan autonomy evaporated. Both India, and Tibet had agreed to seek American military intervention, and it must be believed that India had only wanted a covert, military operation to build and establish a Tibetan Resistance Movement to challenge and overthrow the Chinese military regime in Tibet. The climax of this Tibetan Resistance was during March 1959, and China using its vastly superior military power had easily crushed this Tibetan Uprising. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had no choice; he and his close followers fled Tibet to seek political asylum in India.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA's covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had arrived in India during March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had arrived in India on 31 March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles in the Tawang Sector of the North-East Frontier Agency which is renamed as Arunachal Pradesh.

The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous. HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS: SEPTEMBER 04, 1959 .

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad had received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India's belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad had received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China's occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. Vice President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.

The 1962 India – China War:

I must admit that the Chinese brutal attacks across the Himalayan frontier during October 1962 came as a shocking surprise to me and to most people all over India. To some extent, India, Tibet, and the United States had lacked the intelligence capabilities to know the intentions and the capabilities of their enemy. The costs of this 1962 War would be known if China takes courage and openly admits the numbers of its soldiers wounded, or killed in action. China paid a heavy price and had utterly failed to obtain legitimacy for its military occupation of Tibet.

Truths about the 1962 India-China War — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: The 1962 War between India and China paved the way towards a better understanding of India’s security concerns and the need for military alliance/pact with a friendly power like the United States to meet the challenge posed by Communist China. I appreciate Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for his idealistic views and aspiration to be known as a peacemaker. He finally recognized the need for a strong, well-equipped Army.

The 1962 War of Aggression launched by Communist China had a decisive influence on my personal life. I was a college student, and I was in the first year of my 3-year Bachelor of Science degree course. I felt a strong urge to join India’s Armed Forces to specifically address the military threat posed by China. The 1962 War was a conflict imposed by China to teach India a lesson. Later, official documents released by China describe that Chairman Mao Tse-Tung took punitive action to teach a lesson to India when it launched a massive war of retribution attacking Indian Army positions across the entire Himalayan frontier in October 1962. Chairman Mao Tse-Tung was angered by the support extended by India to Tibet to counter the military occupation. Chairman Mao had resented India’s role in helping the covert operation of the Central Intelligence Agency and had called it an “Imperialist” conspiracy or plot against China. China had utterly failed to achieve its objectives and the War ended when China declared a unilateral ceasefire on November 21, 1962, and withdrew from the captured Himalayan territory. It should be noted that India did not request China to declare this ceasefire. India did not promise that it will withhold the support that it extends to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. The Secret White House Recordings of the US President John F Kennedy reveal that Kennedy had threatened to nuke China in 1962 and I must say that the threat achieved its purpose and had forced China to stop its military aggression and withdraw unilaterally without demanding any concessions from India, or Tibet.

The Birth of Special Frontier Force -Establishment No. 22 -Vikas Regiment:

November 14 – Birth Anniversary of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: I served in this military organization from September 22, 1971 to December 18, 1974. I was not a mercenary working for a foreign government or Agency. I was fully involved and was prepared to defend the legitimate border between India and Tibet as established by the McMahon Treaty and the Simla Agreement of 1914 between India and Tibet. We as an organization defended our own territory to defend our natural rights. We were fully ready to conduct offensive operations against our Enemy if the Enemy attacks us during the conduct of our military mission.

President John F. Kennedy immediately responded to the Chinese attack on India. Apart from the delivery of arms and ammunition, and other military supplies, American aircraft carried out photo missions over the Indo-Tibetan border. In a meeting held on November 19, 1962 at the White House, President Kennedy, Dean David Rusk(Secretary of State), Averell Harriman(Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs), Robert McNamara(Secretary of Defense), General Paul Adams(Chief of the US Strike Command), John Kenneth Galbraith(US Ambassador to India), John A McCone(Director of Central Intelligence Agency), Desmond Fitzgerald(the Far Eastern CIA Chief), James Critchfield(the Near East CIA Chief), John Kenneth Knaus(CIA’s Tibet Task Force), and David Blee(CIA Station Chief in New Delhi) had decided upon a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India which was initially named as Establishment No. 22 and later the name Special Frontier Force was added to describe the location of its headquarters in New Delhi.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to fight the threat posed by Communism. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru's visit to Washington D.C. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to build a personal relationship between the leaders. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to Washington D.C.

**9 November 1961**
Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru (white hat) departs the White House following a meeting with President John F. Kennedy (at right, with back to camera). Also pictured: Indian Ambassador to the United States, B.K. Nehru (behind President Kennedy); United Press International (UPI) photographer, James K. W. Atherton (far left). West Wing Entrance, White House, Washington, D.C.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People's Republic of China could not alter the course of India's foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to "NUKE" China. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: the People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.

The 1962 India-China War, a military conflict that was initiated by China had accomplished the exact opposite of what China had planned to accomplish.

1. India became more firmly aligned with the United States discarding its original policy of political neutralism.

2. The level of cooperation between the Central Intelligence Agency and India’s Research and Analysis Wing(RAW-The Intelligence Bureau of India) became greatly enhanced.

3. India started increasing its own defense-preparedness and had strengthened its military capabilities to fight a future war with China.

4. India was not deterred by the Chinese attack and had decided to substantially increase its involvement with the Tibetan Resistance Movement. India made the commitment to provide a permanent base to the Tibetan Resistance Movement apart from hosting the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

5. India, Tibet, and the United States joined together in a military alliance/pact leading to the creation of the military organization called the Establishment No. 22 which is later formally named The Special Frontier Force to describe its official Headquarters in New Delhi.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. India had withstood the attack by Communist China and it soon recovered from its wounds and regained its full confidence to engage China on the battlefield.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. India understood the need for better preparedness to fight future wars and had decided to maintain its support to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, the Head of Tibetan nation who was granted political asylum in India.

Special Frontier Force- President Radhakrishnan-Clash with China — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

President Radhakrishnan’s historic visit to the United States on June 03/04 1963:

After the conclusion of the 1962 War with China, as Prime Minister Nehru’s personal health demanded serious attention, President Radhakrishnan performed the historical journey to the United States on June 03/04 to meet the US President John F. Kennedy to express India’s solidarity with the United States in promoting Peace and Democracy. The visit displays the trust, and confidence placed by India in the future of their mutual military assistance, and cooperation. I am happy to share several photo images of that visit.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03/04, 1963. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. The historic visit by President Radhakrishnan to affirm India’s friendly relationship with the United States in their policy towards China.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China. — The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China.

Indian President-President Kennedy-Spirits of Special Frontier Force — **The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment. President of India’s visit of June 03/04, 1963.**

President Kennedy with Indian President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan — **The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment is linked to the presidency of John F. Kennedy.**

I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore residence after his retirement during 1967. At that time, both of us were not aware that the very first posting of my career in Indian Armed Forces would be that of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 that was created during his presidency. In India, Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan is recognized as a teacher, philosopher, and statesman. He is never described as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces. I was granted Commission to serve in the Indian Army at the pleasure of the President of India, and my posting order to serve as a Medical Officer in Establishment No. 22 – Special Frontier Force was issued under the authority of the Ministry of Defence which functions under the powers sanctioned by the President of India.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 had shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People's Republic of China. — The history of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: This photo image shows Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 had shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People’s Republic of China. I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore, Madras (Chennai) residence after completion of his term of presidency in 1967. He prefers to read while relaxing in his bed. This is the image, I still carry in my memory.

Special Frontier Force-At Sarasawa. — The history of the Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: This is a photo image taken at Sarasawa airfield that proudly displays the National Flag of Tibet. Special Frontier Force is a living military organization that is facing its future with hope and encouragement from the United States, India, and Tibet.

THE SPIRITS OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE: WE ARE OPENLY SHARING THIS PHOTO ILLEGALLY OBTAINED BY A CHINESE SPY. THE PHOTO WAS TAKEN AT CHAKRATA ON 03 JUNE, 1972 WHILE HIS HOLINESS THE 14th DALAI LAMA WAS PRESENTED A GUARD OF HONOR BY MAJOR GENERAL SUJAN SINGH UBAN, AVSM, INSPECTOR GENERAL, SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE. MY INDIAN ARMY CAREER BEGAN AT THIS LOCATION AND I WILL CONTINUE TO FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN THE OCCUPIED LAND OF TIBET.

November 14 – The Birth Anniversary of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment. The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMA; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

THE SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE-ESTABLISHMENT NO. 22 – VIKAS REGIMENT – OLD FLAMES NEVER DIE – THE LIVING NEHRU LEGACY: I AM WITNESS TO THE LIVING LEGACY OF PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU. I GRATEFULLY ACKNOWLEDGE HIS TIRELESS EFFORTS TO FOSTER FRIENDLY RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA, TIBET, AND THE UNITED STATES.

MY LIFE’S STRUGGLE IN THE SHADOWS OF TIBET’S STRUGGLE

MY LIFE’S STRUGGLE IN THE SHADOWS OF TIBET’S STRUGGLE

I can best describe my life as an incessant struggle in the Shadows of Tibet’s Struggle for Freedom, Peace, and Justice in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

Tibet struggle’s slow slide off the global radar as Dalai Lama ages

Clipped from: https://news.yahoo.com/tibet-struggles-slow-slide-off-global-radar-dalai-074037209.html

The iconic Potala Palace in Tibet’s regional capital of Lhasa (AFP Photo/JOHANNES EISELE)

Sixty years after the Dalai Lama fled into permanent Indian exile, the cause of Tibetan freedom that earned him a Nobel prize and a celebrity-studded international following has lost much of its momentum — neutralized, analysts say, by the passage of time and China’s rising global power.

Inside Tibet, Beijing has effectively wiped out any organized opposition to its iron-clad rule, while outside, the once-vocal support of sympathetic governments and world leaders has dwindled to near-silence in recent years despite the 14th Dalai Lama’s enduring personal popularity.

“The fate of Tibet is in the hands of the Chinese state… Tibetans outside the region are not very relevant to the fate of Tibet, and this includes the Dalai Lama”, said Nathan Hill, convener of Tibetan studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London.

In 2007, the Buddhist spiritual leader said his homeland was facing its “darkest period in 2,000 years”. The following year, with the world’s eyes on China in the run-up to the 2008 Olympics, protests unfurled across Tibet, sparking a furious response from Beijing.

“You don’t see protests like that anymore,” said Kate Saunders of the US-based International Campaign for Tibet, attributing the shift in part to Tibetans abiding by the Dalai Lama’s message of non-violence and to massive Chinese state surveillance.

Although the Dalai Lama’s campaign largely focused on autonomy rather than independence, negotiations with China stalled in 2010, amid suspicion that Beijing was intentionally dragging on pointless talks, hoping international pressure would ease with his eventual death.

The 83-year-old has sought to pre-empt any attempt by Beijing to name his reincarnated successor, even announcing in 2011 that he may be the last in the lineage.

The officially atheist Communist Party has already shown it will intervene in the reincarnation of important figures in Tibetan Buddhism, such as the Panchen Lama who traditionally plays a significant role in choosing the Dalai Lama’s successor.

The boy chosen by the Dalai Lama to serve as the Panchen Lama was detained by Chinese authorities at the age of six and has not been seen since, with Beijing appointing its own candidate in 1995.

Although the exiled leader remains a hugely popular speaker, he has cut back on his global engagements and has not met a world leader since 2016 — while governments have been wary of extending invitations to him for fear of angering Beijing.

“The craze for Tibet among Westerners in the 1980s and the following decades has decreased significantly”, said Katia Buffetrille, a Tibetologist at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in Paris.

Even India, which offered asylum to the Dalai Lama in 1959 when he made a daring escape across the Himalayas dressed as a soldier, has turned its back, with the government reportedly warning officials against attending events featuring him, citing diplomatic sensitivities.

– Buying freedom –

As the exile-led movement loses momentum, Tibetans at home are struggling to keep their traditions alive.

“Tibetans live in a totalitarian police state — if they challenge restrictions, they face the consequences,” said Gray Tuttle, a professor of modern Tibetan studies at Columbia University.

“Previous protests from the 1980s on… have yielded no tangible benefits, rather they have generated a worse political outcome and further clampdown.”

At least 150 Tibetans have set themselves on fire since 2009 in protest against Beijing, most of whom have died from their injuries. But the frequency of self-immolations has lessened.

China’s investment in the region includes a huge outlay on security to build a surveillance state that makes it harder to organize protests. Rights groups say that a government campaign targeting the family and friends of protesters has also helped suppress dissent.

Beijing insists that Tibetans enjoy extensive freedoms and argues it has brought economic growth to the mountainous region.

The oppression of Uighurs in Xinjiang has also overtaken Tibet as the focus of China’s human rights critics.

When Germany’s top human rights official Barbel Kofler asked to visit Xinjiang last year, she was taken instead to Tibet — an indication of how much Beijing feels secure about the situation there, even though foreign journalists are still barred from reporting independently in the region.

Many locals accuse Beijing of repressing their religion and diluting their culture, but nonetheless the economic growth — boosted by government subsidies — has even seen Tibetan exiles return to the region.

Tibetologist Francoise Robin, who visits the region every year, told AFP that Beijing had effectively sidelined any talk of freedom by pumping money into Tibet.

“This is what is paradoxical in the case of Tibet, compared to other similar situations, because China is a country… that is on the rise. Often, in order for a rebellion, for a mass movement to rise, you need economic despair.”

burs-amu/fox/fa

RICHARD NIXON VISITS CHINA. THE WEEK THAT DOOMED MY LIFE.

My arrival in Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India during the Week of February 1972 marks an event that Doomed My Life.

I live in the United States, the Leader of the Free World, a Free Nation without any sense of hope for my future Life. I constantly experience the Misery, the Despair, the Frustration, the Disappointment, the Pain, and the Feelings of Hopelessness that describe the lives of Tibetans living in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

Richard Nixon visits China – HISTORY

Year1972

Richard Nixon visits China

President Richard Nixon visits the People’s Republic of China. After arriving in Beijing, the president announced that his breakthrough visit
to China is “The week that changed the world.” In meeting with Nixon, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai urged early peace in Vietnam but did not endorse North Vietnam’s political demands. North Vietnamese officials and peace negotiators took a dim view of Nixon’s trip, fearing that China and the United States would make a deal behind their backs. Nixon’s promise to reduce the U.S. military presence on Taiwan seemed to confirm North Vietnam’s fears of a Chinese-American sellout-trading U.S. military reduction in Taiwan for peace in Vietnam. Despite Hanoi’s fears, China continued to supply North Vietnam levels of aid that had increased significantly in late 1971. This aid permitted the North Vietnamese to launch a major new offensive in March 1972.

1972

Richard Nixon makes the first U.S. presidential visit to China

President Richard M. Nixon arrives in Beijing, the capital of the People’s Republic of China, on the first presidential visit to the world’s most populous nation. The U.S. federal government had formally opposed China’s communist government since it took power in 1949,

1848

Karl Marx publishes the Communist Manifesto

On February 21, 1848, The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx with the assistance of Friedrich Engels, is published in London by a group of German-born revolutionary socialists known as the Communist League.

Vietnam War

1970

Kissinger begins secret negotiations with North Vietnamese

National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger begins secret peace talks with North Vietnamese representative Le Duc Tho, the fifth-ranking member of the Hanoi Politburo, at a villa outside Paris.

1972

Nixon arrives in China for talks

In an amazing turn of events, President Richard Nixon takes a dramatic first step toward normalizing relations with the communist People’s Republic of China (PRC) by traveling to Beijing for a week of talks.

REWRITING INDIA, TIBET RELATIONS

REWRITING INDIA, TIBET RELATIONS

In my analysis, India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru treated Tibet with due respect. India recognizes the Institution of Dalai Lama and could hold negotiations with Tibet to formulate military alliance or pact between the US, India, and Tibet. All said and done, Tibet would not have received a better deal from Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

Special Frontier Force.

DALAI LAMA FORGETS NEHRU’S EFFORTS

Clipped from: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/dalai-lama-forgets-nehru-s-efforts/641748.html

Uncalled for: The Dalai Lama should have avoided his controversial remarks on Jinnah-Nehru.

PK Vasudeva
Academic

The exiled spiritual and political Tibetan leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, at a recent event in a management institute of Goa, surprisingly said that Partition would have been averted had Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah become the first Prime Minister of India. “Mahatma Gandhi was very much willing to give the prime-ministership to Jinnah. But Pandit Nehru refused. I think Pandit Nehru was a little bit self-centered,” said the Dalai Lama.
Basically, the Dalai Lama should have avoided this uncalled for verdict on Jinnah and Nehru because at the time of granting asylum to him, the Government of India clearly conveyed that he and his “government-in-exile” in Macleodganj, Himachal Pradesh, will not indulge in any political activities in India and shall remain confined to religious and cultural activities pertaining to Tibet.
In 1954, India and China signed the “Panchsheel” Agreement, which recognized the Chinese sovereignty over Tibet and Nehru-led India decided to withdraw its military presence from Tibet. However, Tibetans neither recognized nor endorsed the agreement. But by 1957, when it became pretty evident that the PLA’s occupation over Tibet was not going to end, Indian and Tibetan leaders approached the next best option — the US.
With the help of the CIA, Tibetan freedom fighters were trained in covert CIA camps and resistance was generated. They supplied arms and equipment to fight the Chinese army. The CIA recruited locals to fight against the Chinese as guerrillas and were airdropped throughout the resistance period. However, the resistance was thrashed by the PLA. Monks and civilians were executed, and monasteries bombed, forcing the Dalai Lama and his followers to stealthily cross over to India in March 1959. China was angered with the Dalai Lama, as also with India for giving asylum to him and other “faulty” policy decisions of forward deployment of troops, which resulted in the 1962 war.

As the war reached its zenith, a panicky Nehru sought immediate help from US President John F Kennedy. At a meeting held on November 19, 1962, in the White House, the decision was taken for a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India — “Establishment 22” and later the Special Frontier Force (SFF). However, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from many locations, fearing the US may nuke China if the battle was not stopped.
The CIA and the IB helmed the project and a seasoned officer of the Indian Army, Major-General Sujan Singh Uban, was chosen to be the founder Inspector-General of the SFF. Based in Chakrata, Uttarakhand, the force was put under the direct supervision of the Intelligence Bureau, and later, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). With an initial strength of 12,000, the SFF commenced six months of training in rock-climbing and guerrilla warfare. The soldiers were recruited with help from political leaders of the Chushi Gangdruk, the original Tibetan resistance warriors. It was primarily raised to address the lack of intelligence during war and peace. With the formation of RAW by the late 60s, and with the help of the Aviation Research Centre (ARC) which provided airlift facilities, the SFF became fully airborne-qualified and a dedicated mountain warfare force.
The SFF commandos can survive in any hazardous conditions. They are tough, hardy, well-trained in rock-climbing, para-trooping, and skydiving. They proved their mettle in the Bangladesh war. They were valuable for clandestine intelligence collection, training the Mukti Bahini and carrying out several missions, including the destruction of the Kaptai Dam and bridges. They were also part of Operation Blue Star. They carry out clandestine operations but since they are under RAW, information regarding their clandestine operations remains secret.
Against this backdrop, such words coming from His Holiness are unwelcome. However, the 14th Dalai Lama apologized a couple of days later at Bengaluru at a ‘thanksgiving’ commemorative function of 60 years of Tibetans’ life in exile for his remarks, which he said had stirred a controversy.
To overcome his omission, he said, “Jawaharlal Nehru supported both the setting up of Tibetan settlements as well as the creation of Tibetan schools so that our culture and language could be preserved.”
During the 1959 Tibetan uprising, the Dalai Lama fled to India. After the founding of the government-in-exile, Nehru settled the approximately 80,000 Tibetan refugees who followed him into exile.
The Dalai Lama is the spiritual leader of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism. The Kagyu Karmapa is the spiritual leader of the Karma Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism. Interestingly, the current 14th Dalai Lama helped the young and controversial 17th Kagyu Karmapa after he escaped from China in 1999 following the same route the Dalai Lama took in 1959. The recognition of the 17th Karmapa has been a subject of controversy since two candidates have been put forward: Ogyen Trinley Dorje (OTD) and Trinley Thaye Dorje.
Intelligence agencies promote stories about OTD seeking asylum in the US, trying to buy land to settle down there or even returning to China. Last year, he promised to return by November 2018. The controversy of both the Karmapas can be resolved only with the blessings of the Dalai Lama who before the time of incarnation should declare the real 17th Karmapa for Tibetan unity and support for his successor.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

I am sharing pictures of Sela Pass near Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh (North East Frontier Agency or NEFA), India, to recall my visit to Tawang in 1972 at the request of Nixon administration. President Richard M. Nixon after his famous visit to Peking to establish friendly relations with Communist China, surprised me when his Administration contacted my Unit to place surveillance equipment inside Tibet to monitor China’s nuclear tests. To perform that task, my Unit personnel did not require Passports or Visa documents for Tibet is claimed by them as their own territory.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

The Sela Pass is the high altitude mountain pass in Tawang District of Arunachal Pradesh, India. It is at elevation of 13,700 feet.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Sela Pass Photo Image Compilation by Ateeq Ahmed Siddiqui.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Sela Pass.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang District, Arunachal Pradesh or NEFA.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang Road, Arunachal Pradesh or NEFA.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION. MY 1972 TAWANG VISIT.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang Road, Sela Pass.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTctDgy6XT8

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, just a few months after President Nixon’s Visit to Peking, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon – Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – India- Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. At the request of Nixon Administration in 1972, I visited Tawang.**

WHAT IS MILITARY INTELLIGENCE? TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

On October 22, 2010, People’s Republic of China has launched an official online mapping service and has formally claimed the entire state of ‘Arunachal Pradesh’ and Aksai Chin region of India’s Ladakh region of the State of Jammu and Kashmir as its own territory. Beijing claims Arunachal Pradesh and has named that area as ‘Southern Tibet’. The Simla Agreement of 1914, and the McMahon Treaty between British India, Tibet, and Manchu China had established the McMahon Line as the legitimate boundary between India and Tibet. Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh was under Tibetan domination during early 19th century. Tibetans consider Tawang as holy land as their Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsang Yang Gyatso ( The Precious Ocean of Pure Melody ), a great poet was born there during 1683. However, the 13th Dalai Lama had ceded this territory to British India and had agreed that McMahon Line determines the Indo-Tibetan border. During Communist China’s unilateral military attack on India in 1962, the Indian government had declared that McMahon Line as the official boundary between India and Tibet which came under China’s military occupation since 1950.

The Security of Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet's Independence. — **The Security of Arunachal Pradesh is better served by Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama -Arunachal Pradesh — **Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama, Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh-Tibet's Independence — **McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh is the boundary recognized by India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

McMahon-line and Tibet's Independence — **The McMahon Treaty of 1914 and the McMahon Line establish the boundary between India and Tibet. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

The Security of North-East India and Tibet's Independence. — **To defend Northeast India, to curb the activities of insurgents and rebels, India must support Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

India and China have already held 13 rounds of talks to resolve the boundary issue. General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC served as India’s Chief of Army Staff from 22 November 1994 to 30 September 1997. In a recent article published in The Asian Age, he described problem of the future security of Arunachal Pradesh. So also, India’s Chief of Army Staff, General V K Singh while addressing a seminar on “Indian Army : Emerging Roles and Tasks” on October 19, 2010 said that China and Pakistan are “irritants” for India.

India's Chief of Army Staff 1994 to 1997-Tibet's Independence. — **General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC was India’s 20th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

General Vijay Kumar Singh and Tibet's Independence. — **General Vijay Kumar Singh, AVSM, India’s 26th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY : SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE DEFENDING FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN TIBET:

Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army had served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force prior to his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant General. He may be aware of the Primary Mission of Special Frontier Force. — Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh Suhag AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force from April 2009 to March 2011 in the rank of Major General. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

TIBET'S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA'S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA'S ENEMIES. — **TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA’S ENEMIES. TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.**

Flag of Tibet-Tibet's Independence is India's Security. — **TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.**

China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950 has subjected India to a variety of pressures. India will forever be subjected to pressures: militarily, politically, environmentally, and now, sharing of River waters if Tibet remains under Chinese military occupation. India, for its own Security, and for the future Security of Arunachal Pradesh needs Tibet to exist as a ‘Buffer Zone’ between India and China. Tibetan People have their legitimate Rights to defend their own Culture, Religion, Language, National Identity, Tibetan Buddhist Institutions and historical freedom to their own way of life. People of the entire Free World must come together and demand Tibet’s Independence from illegal Chinese occupation. The bilateral trade and commerce between China and India has allowed China to loot and plunder India’s natural resources without firing a bullet. China has colonized India and is exploiting its natural resources without the need for military occupation. China may not launch or initiate a large-scale military invasion of India as long as this lucrative trade in minerals and manufactured goods flourishes. However, India cannot afford to ignore this security threat and risk posed by China’s military occupation of Tibet. Tibet’s Independence would be in India’s interest and it would be India’s Security.

THE SPIRITS OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE:

I would invite all readers of this blog post to visit Facebook Page of The Spirits of Special Frontier Force and “LIKE” the Page to show their support for establishing Freedom and Democracy in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada,

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

THE ASIAN AGE:

Oct 19th, 2010

General Shankar Roychowdhury

All wars commence in the mind, and escalate with words. “Zhang Nan” or “Southern Tibet”, the designation bestowed by the People’s Republic of China on India’s state of Arunachal Pradesh bordering Tibet, is one such example. China now claims Arunachal Pradesh as its historic territory comprising the three southern districts of the Tawang Tract unilaterally acquired by the then British Empire after the Treaty of Simla in 1913. New demands, which were first articulated around 2005, initially concerned Tawang as a traditional tributary region of Lhasa, being the birthplace of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Tsangyang Gyatso, enthroned 1697, probably murdered 1706 by Mongol guards who were escorting him to Beijing under arrest). Subsequently, a day prior to the visit of China’s President Hu Jintao to India in 2006, Sun Yuxi, the then Chinese ambassador to India, stridently reiterated in public China’s claims to the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh in a deliberately provocative gesture designed to put New Delhi on notice of Beijing’s intention to dominate the agenda of interaction according to its own priorities. In a longer-term perspective, these needlessly provocative claims could escalate to a flash point with the potential to provoke a major confrontation between the two countries, and create an existential crisis for the entire region, a contingency for which India has to prepare itself adequately.

Indian reaction has been characteristically muted, constantly choosing to soft pedal and play down the issue — a unilateral gesture of restraint regardless of the degree of blatant provocation, which exasperated many in this country. It is seen as making a virtue out of necessity, because India has neglected to build up the requisite capabilities to adopt stronger alternatives. This is surely an unenviable position for a country seeking to promote itself as a major power for a permanent seat on the Security Council.

The present Sino-Indian equation is almost irresistibly reminiscent of the run-up to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and provides a fascinating playback of China’s postures at that time with its disconcertingly similar sequence of claims along the McMahon Line in North East Frontier Agency (Nefa), as well as along the Uttar Pradesh-Tibet border and in Ladakh, as relics of historic injustices perpetrated in earlier days by British imperialists. A naive and militarily ill-prepared India, with an exaggerated self-image of its own international relevance as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, had sought to dissuade a determined China with platitudinous Nehruvian philosophies of anti-colonial solidarity, all of which were contemptuously disposed of by “a whiff of grapeshot” on the desolate slopes of the Namkha Chu and Rezang La. India’s collapse and comprehensive downsizing in short order in 1962 was primarily because it lacked military capability vis-a-vis China, a fatal flaw which has a disconcerting tendency of repeating itself when lessons of earlier debacles wear off from the country, as they seem to be doing now. “1962 redux” is slowly grinding into gear again, with end results unforeseeable, except that an enhanced replay at some stage (2020?) can never be totally discounted. India must not repeat its follies of the past because this time around it has been adequately forewarned.

To recover and reunify what it perceives as its lost territories, notably Tibet and Taiwan, the People’s Republic of China has never swerved from its other such claims pertaining to areas along the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Indian borders, besides smaller island entities in the South and East China Seas, to which has now been added the complete territory of India’s Arunachal Pradesh under its new Chinese appellation.

India has to evaluate the threat potential of the situation dispassionately but realistically, having reference to China’s demonstrated determination to set its own history in order. Tibet was successfully concluded in 1950 when the People’s Liberation Army marched into the country against a feeble and disjointed resistance, and re-established China’s authority. Taiwan has been an infructuous effort so far only because of the massive support and protection of the United States, which has guaranteed the independence of that country with the presence of its Seventh Fleet.

The border of Arunachal Pradesh, and Ladakh cannot be resolved through diplomacy and mediation (again as in 1962), India will be left with starkly limited options — either capitulation to China, or military defence of its territory. In the latter contingency, even a speculative overview would suggest that for India a full-fledged Sino-India war would likely be a “two-and-a-half front”, with Pakistan and China combining in tandem, and an additional internal half front against affiliated terrorist networks already emplaced and functional within the country. For India it would be a combination of 1962, together with all of India’s wars against Pakistan (1947-65, ’71 and ’99), upgraded to future dimensions and extending over land, aerial, maritime space and cyberspace domains. Nuclear exchange at some stage, strategic, tactical or both, would remain a distinct possibility, admittedly a worst case, but one which cannot be ignored. The magnitude of losses in terms of human, material and economic costs to all participants can only be speculated upon at present.

China is obviously very much ahead of India in military capabilities, a comparative differential which will be further skewed with Pakistan’s resources coming into play. India has to develop its own matching capabilities in short order, especially the ability to reach out and inflict severe punitive damage to the heartlands of its adversaries, howsoever distant. There would be national, regional and international repercussions that would severely affect the direct participants as also close bystanders like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan, if not countries further afield as well.

Any future Sino-Indian conflict is a doomsday scenario, straight out of Dr Strangelove, a zero-sum calculus that must not allowed to occur. China must restrain itself regarding its alleged claims to India’s Arunachal be Pradesh. History has moved on — attempts to reverse it are futile.

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Member of Parliament.

THE LEGACY OF TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM

THE LEGACY OF TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM

TIBET - INDIA - US - RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA'S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. — **TIBET – INDIA – US – RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET IS STILL IMPORTANT FOR INDIA’S SECURITY. US WANTS POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.**

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY TRUMAN WITH INDIAN PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AT THE NATIONAL AIRPORT IN WASHINGTON DC, ON OCTOBER 11, 1949.

People’s Republic of China came into her existence on October 01, 1949. Red China openly declared to world her ‘Expansionist’ Policy and it immediately raised security concerns in Tibet, India, and the United States. Tibet – India – US relations began with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to Washington DC on October 11, 1949 to meet US President Harry Truman. Red China posed a direct threat to power balance in Southeast Asia. I would characterize Tibet – India – US relations as ‘The Quest for Tibet Equilibrium’. Tibet – India – United States remain united and have this common purpose for their historical relationship. The issue is not that of Middle Way or of meaningful autonomy for Tibetans. The issue is not that of Tibet’s Independence. It doesn’t matter if Tibet is part of China or not. Tibet, India, and the US view Communist China as “AGGRESSOR” nation in Tibet which endangered Power Balance in Southeast Asia. The issue is that of restoring Balance and Equilibrium in Tibet. Special Frontier Force is prepared to restore Balance and Equilibrium in Tibet by application of physical force to counteract Red China’s Force of Oppression in Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE



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Why the Legacy of Tibet’s Cold War Freedom Fighters Still Matters

NOLAN PETERSON @nolanwpeterson October 29, 2015

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT REPRESENTS THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. LHASANG TSERING. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.**

Lhasang Tsering, 68, a Chushi-Gangdruk veteran who served in Nepal’s Mustang region in the 1970s. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

DHARAMSHALA, India—When Sonam Dorjee was a Buddhist monk at the Debung Monastery in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa, he would not kill an insect. After all, that annoying fly buzzing in your ear could be the reincarnation of a beloved family member.

But when Chinese soldiers opened fire on the Tibetan refugees with whom Dorjee was fleeing across the Himalayas in 1959, the then-25-year-old monk picked up a rifle and fought back.
“It was a journey to become a different man,” Dorjee, now 81 years old, said during an interview at his home in the misty mountain village of McLeod Ganj, just outside Dharamshala.

“I had to develop a totally different mentality,” he said. “I lost my country and saw the Chinese kill many people in front of me. If you meet such a situation, it helps you to convert your mind. I had to do something for my country. There was no other choice.”

After Chinese soldiers began to shell Lhasa in 1959, Dorjee fled across the Himalayas with a group of monks and other refugees who were escorted by Chushi-Gangdruk guerilla fighters. When Chinese soldiers attacked Dorjee’s group, the fighting spirit of the Tibetan guerillas inspired the young monk. “If not for the Chushi-Gangdruk,” he said, “His Holiness and no other Tibetans would have escaped Tibet.”

“They saved Tibet,” he added. “I saw what they did, and I was thinking that I could take a weapon and I could fight for my country too.”

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. SONAM DORJEE, ESTABLISHMENT NO. 22, SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.**

Sonam Dorjee, 81, a veteran of India’s Establishment 22 and a former bodyguard of the Dalai Lama. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Six years later, a 31-year-old Dorjee decided to abandon his monk’s robes for good when he joined Establishment 22—a secret all-Tibetan unit in the Indian army created after China attacked India in the 1962 Sino-Indian war. For the former monk, becoming a soldier meant abandoning some of his most elemental philosophies and beliefs—including the prohibition on killing.

“It was very difficult to give up being a monk,” he said. “It was a totally different life. As a monk, we do puja and we pray. As a soldier we trained to kill people.”

The CIA initially provided training and equipment for Establishment 22, and Dorjee remembers the CIA instructors fondly. He said their support gave the Tibetan resistance movement a morale boost. “America trained us, and gave us food and weapons,” he said. “I have a deep appreciation and a great respect for America.”

Dorjee served in Establishment 22 for 10 years before he was selected for the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, a post he held for 11 years. Establishment 22 never faced Chinese soldiers in combat, but saw action in operations against Pakistan, including the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war.

Establishment 22 is still active and draws recruits from Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal. A dispute over pensions has tempered Dharamshala’s support for the unit, but even today, the possibility of one day fighting the Chinese lures Tibetan recruits.

“When I joined the army, I wanted to kill Chinese,” Dorjee said. “All I wanted was to kill just one Chinese soldier. I was very angry.”
“It didn’t work out like that,” he continued. “I regretted not killing any Chinese. Now I don’t hate China, but I don’t regret the fighting. I tried my best. I have no anger left.”

STUCK IN THE MIDDLE

The predominant narrative of the Tibetan resistance has been the Dalai Lama’s push for nonviolence and the “middle way”—a policy dating back to the 1970s that does not call for full Tibetan independence but a status of “genuine autonomy,” in which Tibetans control internal matters and are able to preserve their culture and religion but relegate international affairs and defense to Beijing.

Yet, the Dalai Lama is only one part of the Tibetan resistance story. From the 1950s through the mid-1970s a CIA-backed Tibetan freedom fighter army called the Chushi-Gangdruk waged a bloody guerilla war against China from inside Tibet and bases in Nepal. And after the 1962 Sino-Indian war, thousands of Tibetan men signed up for Establishment 22 (which the CIA trained and supported with arms and supplies) for a chance to fight China.

The combined combat history of the Chushi-Gangdruk and Establishment 22 challenges the Tibetan nonviolent resistance narrative. And the legacy of Tibet’s freedom fighters continues to inspire generations of Tibetan refugees to retain their hope for freedom and to resist Chinese oppression off the battlefield. While most Tibetan refugees still support the Dalai Lama’s middle way approach, recent signs of wavering in China’s economy have sparked a debate within the refugee community about how Tibetans should react if China’s Communist Party collapses.

“The Chushi-Gangdruk legacy has inspired younger generations,” said Tenzin Nyinjey, researcher at the Tibetan Center for Human Rights in Dharamshala—home of the Tibetan government in exile.

“The hope for freedom hasn’t faded at all,” he added. “We’re going to see something really explosive within our lifetime.”

The debate orbits around whether the Tibetan government in exile should continue pushing for autonomy, as the Dalai Lama has advocated, or push for full-fledged independence, which Tibet’s freedom fighters fought for during the Cold War. And with the Dalai Lama’s 80th birthday this year, there is also quiet debate within the refugee community about how long support for the middle way will last after his death.

“We know armed resistance is impossible, the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] has to collapse or the system has to change,” Nyinjey said. “This is not the Cold War, no one is going to arm or train Tibetans to fight. But Tibetans are quite ready to declare independence if the Communist system collapses. We have the institutions of political democracy already built here in India.”
“Independence usually doesn’t require picking up a gun,” he added. “But when the time comes, young Tibetans will do what it takes.”

Many Tibetan refugees, however, still prefer the middle way approach over full independence. They base their support for the policy on a combination of pragmatism and their faith in the Dalai Lama.

“With Gorbachev, the USSR ended in an instant,” said Norbu Dorjee, 61, a business owner in Leh, the capital of India’s Himalayan Ladakh region. “China’s problems are good for us. We hope that China will become democratic, that the Communist party will collapse and we can go home.”

“But,” Dorjee added, “we are still only asking for internal autonomy, not total independence. We have to maintain faith in the path His Holiness has chosen for us.”

“I believe the middle way will last,” said Thupten Gyantso, 41, a Tibetan refugee living in Pokhara, Nepal. “The reality is that China is too powerful for us to win independence. And even if we become independent, we will still rely on China for many things.”

Opponents of the middle way claim the 40-year-old policy has achieved little for Tibetan refugees and that human rights inside Tibet have worsened in the intervening decades.
“So long as Tibet insists on only achieving autonomy, it will not be an international issue,” said Lhasang Tsering, 68, a Chushi-Gangdruk veteran who served in Nepal’s Mustang region in the 1970s. He now lives in Dharamshala and owns a bookshop called “Bookworm.”

“Unless the Dalai Lama makes freedom the ultimate goal, for peace and justice, other countries won’t help us,” Tsering said. “It might be too late for Tibet by the time China collapses.”
Some point to the recent Tibetan government in exile’s elections for prime minister as a bellwether for a renewed independence movement. The candidate who has arguably created the most media attention within the Tibetan refugee community is LukarJam—who has stirred controversy by openly challenging the Dalai Lama’s middle way policy and arguing for independence.

“It’s fashionable to talk about the middle way, but it kills the passion to act,” Jam said, according to the Associated Press. “I have separated the spiritual and political Dalai Lama and criticize only his political policies.”
“His popularity shows skepticism about the middle way,” Nyinjey said, referring to Jam. “There’s a movement happening that shows a fracturing of Tibetan opinion, and proponents of the middle way are being forced to defend their policies.”

TIPPING POINT?

Paralleling the middle way debate is a mounting resistance movement inside Tibet against Chinese rule—evidenced by protests in 2008 and a wave of self-immolations in Tibet that began in 2009. And with Beijing hosting the 2022 Winter Olympics, some speculate that there could be a repeat of the protests that swept across Tibet in advance of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics.

During the 2008 protests, Tibetans sacked Chinese-owned businesses and attacked Han Chinese on the streets, underscoring simmering ethnic tensions inside China’s Tibet Autonomous Region.

“In 2008 this major uprising happened across Tibet,” said Sherab Woeser, visiting fellow at The Tibet Policy Institute, a think tank in Dharamshala. “No one expected it, and it was young people who led it. They want to have Tibetan textbooks in school and to be able to wave their flag and honor the Dalai Lama. Young people are expressing themselves in Tibet saying they want to be free.”

After the 2008 protests, Chinese authorities cracked down in the Tibet Autonomous Region. Surveillance increased, as did reports of arbitrary arrest and torture. Pictures of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan flag were outlawed, new travel restrictions were put in place and the borders with India and Nepal were sealed, practically stemming the flow of refugees out of Tibet.

Since 2009, 142 Tibetans have self-immolated inside China as a reaction to China’s crackdown. While the Tibetan self-immolators comprise all ages and spectrums of society, the average age of the self-immolators is 24, reflecting what some claim is increasing resistance against Chinese rule among Tibetan youth.

“The self-immolations are just a continuance of the Chushi-Gangdruk resistance,” Nyinjey said. “Nothing has changed. The occupation and the oppression have always been there. The same causes of the resistance are still there, but the form of resistance has changed.”

“Tibetans have seen so much death, pain and oppression, and that shows in the way they protest,” Woeser said.
Some also speculate that a renewed Tibetan independence movement could spark a chain reaction of secessionist movements in China’s Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang autonomous regions.

“Tibet can be the Tunisia, the trigger, for the breakup of China,” Nyinjey claimed, referencing the self-immolation of a street vendor in Tunisia in December 2010 that was a catalyst for the Arab Spring.
LEGACY

Despite the overwhelming odds against them, Tibet’s guerilla fighters fought fiercely, suffering heavy casualties as they faced Chinese artillery, tanks and bombers from horseback, armed with swords and World War I rifles.

“They had no knowledge of how to fight, they were just very patriotic and wanted to fight for their country,” said Tenpa Dhargyal, 37, general secretary of the Welfare Society of Central Dokham Chushi-Gangdruk, a New Delhi-based organization dedicated to caring for Chushi-Gangdruk veterans and their families.

Dhargyal’s grandfather was a Chushi-Gangdruk fighter who died fighting the Chinese. “Their courage came from their anger,” he said.

The Chushi-Gangdruk played a key role in establishing Tibet’s government in exile. In 1959, the Chushi-Gangdruk’s control over territory in southern Tibet created a protected corridor through which the Dalai Lama escaped to India. And after the Dalai Lama was safely in exile, the Chushi-Gangdruk subsequently protected the tens of thousands of refugees who fled across the Himalayas into India and Nepal.

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TENPA DHARGYAL, GENERAL SECRETARY, THE WELFARE SOCIETY OF CENTRAL DOKHAM CHUSHI-GANGDRUK. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.**

“We don’t want to live under Chinese rule. We want our country back.” —Tenpa Dhargyal, 37, general secretary of the Welfare Society of Central Dokham Chushi-Gangdruk. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

In 1957, two years prior to the Dalai Lama’s escape, the CIA began paramilitary training for handpicked Chushi-Gangdruk fighters. The training took place at secret bases in Saipan; Camp Hale, Colorado; and Camp Peary, Virginia (at a facility known as the “farm”).

After their instruction, the Tibetan operatives parachuted into Chinese-occupied Tibet from CIA aircraft ranging from World War II era B-17s (which were painted all black) to C-130s. To create plausible deniability should an aircraft go down, the CIA initially used East European pilots recruited for covert missions over Soviet Ukraine. Air America (an aviation front for the CIA) later handled the Tibetan missions.

The Chushi-Gangdruk eventually set up camps in the remote Mustang region of Nepal, from which they launched cross-border raids into China.

The CIA supported the Chushi-Gangdruk with airdropped weapons, ammunition and supplies until 1972, when President Richard Nixon normalized relations with China and U.S. support for the Tibetan resistance was cut off. The Chushi-Gangdruk continued to operate from Nepal for several more years without U.S. backing, but achieved little.

“The U.S. treated it as a tactical move to harass the Communist block from behind, it was not a strategic decision to support Tibetan independence,” Tsering, the Chushi-Gangdruk veteran said.

“But it’s easy to point the finger at others for our failure,” he added. “We failed to capitalize on the CIA’s support to internationalize our cause and unite world opinion to support us.”

In 1974, after bowing to Chinese pressure, the Nepalese military rooted the Chushi-Gangdruk out of their mountain hideouts in Mustang, killing many (including their commander, General Gyato Wangdu, who had been trained by the CIA at Camp Hale, Colorado) in high-altitude gunfights. The Dalai Lama sent a taped message imploring the Mustang resistance to lay down their arms, spurring several fighters to commit suicide.

For some Tibetans, the history of China’s invasion of Tibet and the legacy of lives lost in the ensuing Tibetan resistance fuels a lingering distaste for submitting to Chinese rule—which they see the middle way as promoting.

“Even though they asked us to be friends with China, we don’t want it,” Dhargyal said. “We can’t make friends with them because they killed our grandparents. We don’t want to live under Chinese rule. We want our country back.”
KARMA
Chungdak Bonjutsang began to cry when he described how Chinese soldiers killed his mother in 1959.

Bonjutsang, now 61 years old, covered his eyes with his hands. His chest heaved a few times with deep breaths. He tried to fight through it and talk, but he choked up. After a silent moment, he wiped his eyes clear, looked up to the ceiling for an instant, and then continued.

Bonjutsang was only 6 years old when his mother, father, uncle and older brother crossed the Himalayas to escape Communist rule in Tibet. They were in a group of about 400, he said. Women, children and the elderly were kept in front, while the men and the Tibetan Chushi-Gangdruk guerilla fighters stayed at the rear to repel Chinese attacks. Their group was a part of the 80,000 Tibetans who flooded into India and Nepal in 1959 after the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) shelled protesters in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. CHUNGDAK BONJUTSANG TIBETAN EXILE. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.**

Chungdak Bonjutsang, 61, fled Tibet with his family in 1959. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Bonjutsang remembers the sounds of bullets ricocheting off the hard stones of the mountain when the Chinese attack came. Exposed on a high-altitude pass with nowhere to hide, the only options were to run or fight back.
Bonjutsang’s father tied the scared 6-year-old boy to one of the horses used to carry supplies so that he wouldn’t be lost in the confusion of the gunfight. And then his father and uncle joined the Chushi-Gangdruk guerillas in fighting back the Chinese soldiers.

During the attack, Bonjutsang’s mother was shot in the side. She died quickly. And with the Chinese in pursuit, there was no time to bury her. “We just left her on the ice, and then we ran away,” Bonjutsang said during an interview at the Sonamling Tibetan refugee colony in India’s Himalayan Ladakh region.

“I was very young then,” he said. “But as I grew older, the pain got worse. I can’t stop thinking about her lying dead on the ice. I see her at night when I go to sleep.”
Fifty-six years later, Bonjutsang’s pain and his anger over his mother’s murder have not faded. “China is still the enemy,” he said. He has never returned to Tibet, and admits that he may never be able to. Yet, his hope that Tibet will regain its independence has not faded—and that hope is sustained by his unshakeable faith in the Dalai Lama.

“We have great hope that we will be able to return the Dalai Lama to Tibet before he passes,” Bonjutsang said. “As long as His Holiness is alive we believe freedom is possible.”
A smile crept across Bonjutsang’s face. He added: “And, of course, we also hope His Holiness outlives the Communist Party in China.”

@nolanwpeterson

NOLAN PETERSON

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signal’s foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE QUEST BEGAN ON OCTOBER 11, 1949 WITH INDIAN PRIME MINISTER’S VISIT TO WASHINGTON DC. INDIA REPRESENTED TIBET’S INTERESTS AND PROVIDED STIMULUS FOR INDIA – US RELATIONS.

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. NEHRU – TRUMAN MEETING ON OCTOBER 11, 1949. TIBET EQUILIBRIUM WAS THE CHIEF CONCERN AND PURPOSE FOR THIS RELATIONSHIP.**

**TIBET – INNDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. NEHRU – TRUMAN MEETING ON OCTOBER 11, 1949. INDIA REACHED OUT TO THE US ON BEHALF OF TIBET.**

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THIS LEGACY BEGAN ON OCTOBER 11, 1949 WITH HISTORICAL MEETING OF NEHRU AND TRUMAN.**

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THIS LEGACY BEGAN WITH NEHRU AND TRUMAN AND IT WITHSTOOD THE TEST OF TIME.**

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US RECOGNIZE CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION AND DESIRE TO RESTORE BALANCE IN TIBET.**

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US SHARE A COMMON CONCERN ABOUT RED CHINA.**

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. INDIA’S FIRST PRIME MINISTER NEHRU AND LATER ALL OTHER PRIME MINISTERS INCLUDING HIS DAUGHTER INDIRA GANDHI VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION.

**TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. IN OCTOBER 1949 WHEN COMMUNIST CHINA DECLARED HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY, IT SET OFF ALARM BELLS IN TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US.**

TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US BEGAN THIS QUEST IN OCTOBER 1949 SOON AFTER COMMUNIST PARTY CHAIRMAN MAO ZEDONG ANNOUNCED FOUNDING OF PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. THIS LEGACY OF DALAI LAMA, NEHRU, AND TRUMAN STILL SURVIVES.

TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY S TRUMAN. — **TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. US PRESIDENT HARRY S TRUMAN.**

TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. — **TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM.**

TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION THAT UPSET POWER BALANCE IN TIBET. — **TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US VIEW CHINA AS AGGRESSOR NATION THAT UPSET POWER BALANCE IN TIBET.**

TIBET - INDIA - US RELATIONS - THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE EMERGENCE OF RED CHINA IN OCTOBER 1949 AND HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY HAS UPSET POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. — **TIBET – INDIA – US RELATIONS – THE QUEST FOR TIBET EQUILIBRIUM. THE EMERGENCE OF RED CHINA IN OCTOBER 1949 AND HER EXPANSIONIST POLICY HAS UPSET POWER BALANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.**

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – OCCUPIER OF TIBET

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – OCCUPIER OF TIBET

Red China took possession of Tibet or seized Tibet using her superior military power. Red China told a lie when she claimed about peaceful liberation of Tibet by People’s Liberation Army. Red China is an occupying force that faces eviction from Tibet when Peace, Freedom, and Justice will prevail again. It is interesting to note that people of ancient Tibet had faced similar threats from external aggressors.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA
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Archaeologist explores the first civilization of ancient Tibet

Mon, Aug 10, 2015

Vestiges of a once flourishing prehistoric civilization dot the landscape of Upper Tibet.

For more than two decades, University of Virginia Tibet Center archaeologist and historian John Vincent Bellezza has been exploring highland central Asia, going places where few archaeologists and explorers have ventured. Since 1992, he has investigated and documented scores of monumental sites, rock art, castles, temples, residential structures, and other features on the desolate reaches of the TIBETAN PLATEAU, building a knowledge base on a vast archaic civilization and ancient religion that flourished long before Buddhism emerged and dominated this otherwise comparatively sparsely populated high altitude region.

“Commonly, when people think of Tibet, Buddhism comes to mind,” writes Bellezza in his newest book, THE DAWN OF TIBET. By this he also implies the better-known and popular images of the imposing, sky-high, mountaintop monumental wonders of Buddhist centers such as Lhasa. But, he continues, “before Buddhism was introduced, a different type of civilization reigned in Tibet, one with monuments, art, and ideas alien to those of more recent times……….Demarcated through an enormous network of citadels and burial centers spanning one thousand miles from east to west, it would endure for some fifteen hundred years.”*

Bellezza is describing an archaic civilization known as ZHANG ZHUNG, which flourished from about 500 BC to 625 AD and encompassed most of the western and northwestern regions of the Tibetan Plateau. Mastering an ancient technology base not normally attributed to people of this region in the popular perception, the people of Iron Age Zhang Zhung, according to Bellezza, built citadels, elite stone-corbelled residential structures, temples, necropolises featuring stone pillars, sported metal armaments and a strong equestrian culture, established links with other cultures across Eurasia, and exhibited a relatively uniform and standardized cultural tradition rich in ritualistic religious practice, where kings and priests dominated the highest rungs of power. These are all characteristics of stratified, centralized and developed societies most often associated with the more southerly, lower-altitude great Old World Bronze and Iron Age civilizations that ringed the Mediterranean as well as the advanced civilizations of Mesoamerica and South America. The supporting findings on the landscape, when considered across two decades of investigation, have been nothing less than prolific.

The Tibetan Plateau features ancient stone structures, many of which date back to the First Millennium B.C. McKay Savage, Wikimedia Commons

But this archaeological evidence, according to Bellezza, also opened a window on a civilization that heavily fortified itself from threats both within and without. The struggle for resources in a land where climate gradually changed over preceding millennia from one that was relatively warmer and moist to one that was cold and dry may have played a significant role in this. Competing external and internal forces may have played another. “Most archaic era residential facilities in Upper Tibet were built on unassailable high ground, on inaccessible islands, or in hidden spots, “ writes Bellezza. “This insularity indicates that defense was a preoccupation of the population. Eternal Bon historical sources speak of the martial character of Zhang Zhung society and its political nexus of kings and priests.” Even the priests were depicted in the literature as possessing arms. On the other hand, notes Bellezza, “these literary accounts also hold that the ancient priesthood was very adept in the practice of astrology, divination, magic, and medicine.”*

With much still awaiting discovery and study, Bellezza continues to explore and analyze the massive trove of data he has already compiled on this ancient people. In time, he and other researchers hope, by merging references in the literary sources with the accumulating new archaeological evidence, a sharper focus on an otherwise obscure and ill-understood civilization will emerge.

Readers can learn more about Zhang Zhung in Belezza’s book, THE DAWN OF TIBET, and in an upcoming article about Zhang Zhung authored by Bellezza in the Fall issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine.

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – A TYRANT

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – A TYRANT

US Secretary of State John Kerry (L) and China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi talk before a bilateral meeting at the Putra World Trade Center August 5, 2015 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. REUTERS/Brendan Smialowski/Pool — US Secretary of State John Kerry (L) and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi talk before a bilateral meeting at the Putra World Trade Center August 5, 2015 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. REUTERS/Brendan Smialowski/Pool

Red China’s acts of aggression alarm her neighbors and nations of Southeast Asia are trying their best to convince Red China about the nature of her acts. It is not easy to persuade a tyrant for a tyrant will always find a pretext to justify own actions and find fault with others if they complain about it. Red China is a danger to peace and tranquility in Southeast Asia and she must be quarantined until such time she recovers from her disease called ‘AGGRESSION’.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA
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US, China bicker over territorial claims in South China Sea

By MATTHEW LEE and EILEEN NG

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi, right, listens while U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry talks before a bilateral meeting at the Putra World Trade Center in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Wednesday, Aug. 5, 2015. (Brendan Smialowski/Pool Photo via AP)

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (AP) — The United States and China clashed Wednesday over who is to blame for rising tensions over territorial disputes in the South China Sea with Washington demanding a halt to “problematic actions” in the area and Beijing telling foreign parties to keep out.

In blunt but diplomatic terms, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi suggested that efforts to ease tensions over competing claims remained a contentious work in progress despite hopes for movement on ways to resolve them here at a Southeast Asian regional security forum.
Kerry urged China to end provocative land reclamation projects in the South China Sea that have ratcheted up tensions with its smaller neighbors in some of the world’s busiest commercial sea lanes.
Wang, meanwhile, sent a strong message that those without claims, such as the United States, should allow China and the other claimants to deal with them on their own.
Kerry told foreign ministers of members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that the U.S. shares their desire “to ensure the security of critical sea lanes and fishing grounds, and we want to see that disputes in the area are managed peacefully and on the basis of international law.” A senior U.S. official said Kerry made the case for easing tensions in a closed-door meeting with Wang.
In his meeting with Wang, Kerry reiterated U.S. concerns about the rising tensions and “China’s large-scale reclamation, construction, and militarization of features,” according to the senior U.S. official.
The official said Kerry had “encouraged” China, and the other claimants, “to halt problematic actions in order to create space for diplomacy.” The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak publicly about the private meeting.
Chinese land reclamation in contested waters has irked Southeast Asian nations who, like the U.S., want China to stop. Washington is calling for a halt to aggressive actions by China and other claimants to allow a diplomatic solution to the rift. The U.S. is not a party to the conflict but says a peaceful resolution of the problem and freedom of navigation are in the U.S. national interest.
China rejects any U.S. involvement and insists it has the right to continue the reclamation projects. Beijing was opposed to the issue being raised at the security forum in the first place.
Kerry told the ASEAN ministers that his meeting with Wang had been “good” and that he hoped “we will find a way to move forward effectively, together, all of us” over the course of the two-day forum.
But Wang gave no indication he had been swayed by Kerry, telling reporters later that foreign parties should support Beijing and ASEAN’s plan to accelerate negotiations on a code of conduct governing behavior in the disputed waters.
“We want to send a clear message to the international community that China and ASEAN have the capability and wisdom to resolve this specific issue between us,” he told a news conference. “We shouldn’t allow the South China Sea region to be destabilized.”
He said that China is committed to a peaceful solution through “rules and mechanisms already in place.” He also pledged that China will uphold freedom of navigation and overflight at sea. “There has not, and will not be any problem in this regard,” he said.
However, ASEAN members have complained that although China has pledged to start substantive negotiations with them on a code of conduct governing behavior in the resource-rich and busy waterways, there is a gap between its pledge and the situation on the ground.
China, Taiwan and several ASEAN members — the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam and Brunei — have wrangled over ownership and control of the South China Sea in a conflict that has flared on and off for decades.
Tensions rose last year when China began building artificial islands in the Spratly Islands, which the U.S. and Beijing’s rival claimant countries fear could impede freedom of navigation and overflights in a major transit area for the world’s oil and merchandise.
The disputes have led to deadly confrontations between China and Vietnam, and Washington and governments in the region are concerned that greater military deployments increase the risk of miscalculations and accidental clashes that could spiral out of control.
U.S. officials say China has reclaimed more than 3,000 acres (1,200 hectares) in the last 18 months alone. That figure dwarfs the 100 acres (40 hectares) that Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Taiwan have reclaimed in disputed areas over the last 45 years.
Wang bristled when asked about calls for China to halt its island-building activities.
“China has stopped, China has stopped. You want to see who is building? Take a plane and go see who is still building,” he said.
John Kerry South China Sea China

Yahoo – ABC News Network

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – SOUTH CHINA SEA AGGRESSION

RED DRAGON – RED CHINA – SOUTH CHINA SEA AGGRESSION

Red China is guilty of aggression for she makes unprovoked attacks on other nations. Red China is in the habit of being destructively hostile to her weak neighbors. Red China used her armed forces violating her international obligations in ruthless pursuit of her desire to dominate other nations to further her own ends. Firstly, I am asking news media to use correct linguistic terms to describe Red China’s war like acts.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi listens while U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry talks before a bilateral meeting at the Putra World Trade Center on Wednesday in Kuala Lumpur. | REUTERS

Kerry raises South China Sea concerns with China’s Wang

AFP-JIJI, Reuters

Aug 5, 2015
- Online: Aug 05, 2015
- Print: Aug 06, 2015
- Last Modified: Aug 05, 2015

KUALA LUMPUR – U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry voiced concern to China on Wednesday over its land reclamation in the South China Sea and the “militarization” of its disputed waters.
Kerry made the remarks to Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Kuala Lumpur on the sidelines of meetings involving the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, where maritime tensions have taken center stage.

The official said Kerry told Wang that while Washington did not take a position on sovereignty claims in the strategic waterway, it wanted to see them resolved peacefully and in accordance with international law.

“He encouraged China, along with the other claimants, to halt problematic actions in order to create space for diplomacy,” the official said.
In brief remarks to reporters after his talks with Kerry, Wang said China would pursue “peaceful discussions” to resolve the South China Sea dispute. He did not elaborate.

Recent satellite images show China has almost finished building a 3,000-metre airstrip on one of its seven new islands in the Spratlys.
The airstrip will be long enough to accommodate most Chinese military aircraft, security experts have said, giving Beijing greater reach into the heart of maritime Southeast Asia.

China claims most of the South China Sea, through which $5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes every year. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei have overlapping claims.

China had said it did not want the South China Sea dispute raised at this week’s ASEAN meetings, but some ministers, including from host Malaysia, rebuffed that call, saying the issue was too important to ignore.

In a statement, Japan’s Senior Vice Foreign Minister Minoru Kiuchi “voiced deep concern over unilateral actions that change the status quo and heighten tensions in the South China Sea, including large-scale land reclamation, the construction of outposts and their use for military purposes.”

Despite strong public comments by several Southeast Asian ministers about the need to reduce tensions, the grouping had yet to issue a customary communique following annual talks between its foreign ministers on Tuesday.

“On the South China Sea, I think we are probably nearing a formulation,” said Jakkrit Srivali, director-general of the ASEAN department at Thailand’s Foreign Affairs Ministry.
Other issues had also held up the statement, he said without elaborating. A communique was expected at the end of joint meetings between ASEAN, the United States, China, Japan and other countries on Thursday, senior officials said.

China and Southeast Asian nations had agreed to set up a foreign ministers’ hotline to tackle emergencies in the waterway, a senior ASEAN official said on Friday. This was expected to be contained in the communique.

Wang was due to hold talks with ASEAN foreign ministers later on Wednesday.
On Monday, he described calls for a freeze in activity in the South China Sea as “unrealistic.”

Kerry told his ASEAN counterparts in a separate meeting that Washington wanted to see stability in the South China Sea.
“We want to ensure the security of critical sea lanes and fishing grounds and to see that disputes in the area are managed peacefully and on the basis of international law,” Kerry said.

China has shown no sign of halting its construction on artificial islands in disputed areas.
It has accused the United States of militarizing the South China Sea by staging patrols and joint military drills.

The senior State Department official said Kerry and Wang also discussed Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to the United States in September, as well as U.S. concerns over cybersecurity and human rights in China.

“They agreed there are many shared challenges that both countries should work closer together to address, such as climate change and development, and that more dialogue and cooperation between the United States and China remains vital,” the official said.

Revelation
So, is the whole world just going to continue sitting on their thumbs while China continues to advance is what is clearly not quote “militarization”, but indeed militarization? What will it take to get the United States, the U.N- SOMEONE- to strike in glaring detail the Chinese government is ignoring officially set maritime borders and take actual action against this? Do we honestly have to wait until China takes over a nation or two in order to wake people up?
This is not a time to shy due to the possibility of war. We might have one in the future if this keeps up.
- koedo
  I couldn’t agree more. What’s truly frightening is the mismatch between Kerry and Wang Yi. Remember, Kerry and Obama, think they just accomplished a historic agreement with Iran. As far as negotiating with China goes, history is, indeed, repeating itself and Kerry is playing the lead role of Neville Chamberlain. China does not fear the current US administration in the least bit. Why should they? Kerry and Obama’s complete incompetence in the arena of foreign policy, is going to, literally, get people killed.
  - Revelation
    Bother the US Administration the Chinese government fears no one, and why? Because the world has stupidly fed the beast until it’s become the monster it is today. The majority of world economies depend on China, and they can’t simply sever relations; China knows this, which is why they dare to cause trouble.
    No kidding how incompetent Obama is; then again, the States has not had a competent president in ages, let alone one who isn’t a bloody coward.