Whole Misery – Misery Formulates the Connection between Tibet, India, and the US

India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet

Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

“Strange bedfellows” is an idiom that refers to an unlikely or unusual combination of people, ideas, or things who are associated or working together, often in a way that is unexpected. It suggests that the individuals or entities involved would not typically be seen together.

The phrase “strange bedfellows” is adapted from a line in Shakespeare’s play, The Tempest: “Misery acquaints a man with strange bedfellows”. It describes an unusual or unexpected alliance or combination of people or things, often due to circumstances. The original context in The Tempest is a jester finding shelter with a monster, but the phrase has evolved to have a metaphorical meaning, like in the common saying “Politics makes strange bedfellows”.

In 2007, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal. He represents the third face of Strange Bedfellows. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

It is entirely true to claim that India is not a US ally. Soon after India’s independence in 1947, the US and the UK joined forces to instigate an unprovoked attack to occupy Kashmir illegally while India was waiting with patience to obtain the merger of Kashmir with India using the due process. The First Kashmir War of 1947-48 provides the evidence to show that India is not a US ally.

Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment represents the three faces of “Strange Bedfellows.” **Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet.** Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment – Photo image taken at Chakrata, India on June 03, 1972.

But, it is indeed true to claim that the convergence of interests govern relationships between nations. In 1949, with the birth of Communist China on October 01, the Indian Prime Minister visited the US seeking friendship to formulate a trilateral relationship between the US, India, and Tibet. Since then, the relationship has endured strictly as a trilateral relationship and not a bilateral relationship.

Special Frontier Force at the White House: On April 16, 1991, the 14th Dalai Lama met with US President George H.W. Bush during his first visit to The White House. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

Special Frontier Force at the White House: The 14th Dalai Lama met with US President Bill Clinton on June 20, 2000 at The White House. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

Special Frontier Force at The White House: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama speaking with US President George Bush during their meeting in The White House on September 10, 2003. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

Special Frontier Force at The White House: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama speaking with US President Barack Obama during their meeting in the Map Room of The White House in Washington, DC on July 16, 2011. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS : BRUCE WALKER , FORMER OFFICIAL OF CIA . Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS : FORMER CIA OFFICIALS KENNETH KNAUS AND JOHN GREANEY SHARED THEIR PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS . Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010 was the first time that US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang(Nepal) Operation. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

The quest for Freedom in Tibet. A military training Camp known as Camp Hale was established in Colorado under the supervision of CIA officers Roger E. McCarthy and John Reagan. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.

If the third partner of this relationship is excluded for any reason, the US-India relationship just dissipates as the US continues to support the plan to dismember the Republic of India in the name of advocating the human rights of Muslims, Sikhs, and other ethnic minorities of India.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada,

Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment

India Is Not a U.S. Ally—and Has Never Wanted to Be

BY ALYSSA AYRES

JUNE 21, 2023 6:00 AM EDT

Ayres is dean and professor of history and international affairs at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, and adjunct senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations. She is the author of Our Time Has Come: How India is Making Its Place in the World.

With Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi slated for a June 22 State Visit to Washington, India will, if briefly, be front-page news in the United States. Since President Clinton ended a chill in U.S.-India relations almost 25 years ago, successive American and Indian administrations across political parties have worked to strengthen ties. So it’s fair to ask: how robust is this relationship today? As with the blind men and the elephant, the answer varies. Is India a bad bet, or is it, as the White House senior Asia policy official said recently, “the most important bilateral relationship with the United States on the global stage”?

Despite careful nurturing by Washington over the years, many aspects of U.S. ties with India remain challenging. Bilateral trade has grown tenfold since 2000, to $191 billion in 2022, and India became the ninth-largest US trading partner in 2021. But longstanding economic gripes persist, meriting 13 pages in the 2023 Foreign Trade Barriers report from the U.S. Trade Representative. Multilaterally, India’s role in the fast-consolidating “Quad” consultation (comprised of the United States, Australia, India, and Japan) has brought shared purpose to Washington and New Delhi, both of which harbor concerns about China. But New Delhi also champions alternative non-Western groupings like the BRICS, and it remains outside bodies central to U.S. diplomacy like the U.N. Security Council and the G7.

Today, U.S.-India cooperation spans defense, global health, sustainable development, climate, and technology, among other things. But deep differences remain, including concerns in Washington about India’s democratic backsliding under Modi, and India’s failure to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In other words, the U.S.-India relationship has been transformed over the past quarter-century, but that transformation has not delivered a partnership or alignment similar to the closest U.S. alliances

This shouldn’t surprise anyone. India is not a U.S. ally, and has not wanted to become one. To see relations with rising power India as on a pathway that culminates in a relationship like that the United States enjoys with Japan or the United Kingdom creates expectations that will not be met. Indian leaders across parties and over decades have long prioritized foreign policy independence as a central feature of India’s approach to the world. That remains the case even with Modi’s openness to the United States.

For India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, protecting his country’s hard-fought independence was a guiding principle for foreign policy. Speaking in the Indian Parliament in March 1951, Nehru noted that “By aligning ourselves with any one Power, you surrender your opinion, give up the policy you would normally pursue because somebody else wants you to pursue another policy.” Twelve years later, evaluating his country’s nonalignment policy in the pages of Foreign Affairs, Nehru went on to observe that it had not “fared badly,” and that “essentially, ‘non-alignment’ is freedom of action which is a part of independence.”

American President Harry S. Truman shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on the tarmac as Nehru’s sister, diplomat Vijaya Pandit, and daughter, future Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, stand with them, in Washington D.C., on October 11, 1949. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
PhotoQuest/Getty Images)

For famously allied Washington, nonalignment in the 20th century was a bridge too far; in 1956 then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles proclaimed that neutrality was “an obsolete conception…immoral and shortsighted.” It did not help matters that the United States had entered an alliance with India’s arch-rival Pakistan in 1954, and sided with the Pakistani military in the bloody civil war that gave birth to Bangladesh in 1971. Nor, too, when Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi signed a “Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation” with the USSR in 1971, definitively tilting India toward the Soviet Union even as the United States had tilted toward Pakistan.

Especially since the end of the Cold War, Indian leaders have sought to improve ties with Washington, but not by curtailing India’s independent approach to foreign policy. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee proclaimed India and the United States “natural allies” in a landmark 1998 speech in New York. Yet this was perhaps more a term of art than a call for an alliance as it occurred against the backdrop of India’s nuclear tests, underscoring New Delhi’s willingness to upset global nuclear nonproliferation conventions, which it never joined. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, whose 10 years at the helm greatly improved Indo-U.S. relations, pursued a civil-nuclear agreement with Washington and ushered in new cooperation in high technology, defense, and clean energy. But his government too defended its principle of “strategic autonomy” as a redline for its foreign policy even as it moved closer to Washington than ever in the past. Defending the civil-nuclear deal with Washington before Parliament in 2008, Singh twice asserted that “Our strategic autonomy will never be compromised.”

In important ways, Prime Minister Modi represents a break with India’s past, most notably in his emphasis on India’s Hindu, rather than syncretic and secular, cultural heritage. But his approach to the United States remains consistent with the history of his country’s foreign policy independence.

Modi has deepened ties with the United States, now across three U.S. presidents, through increased partnership in defense, in advanced technology, and in energy, just to name a few, as well as through moments of high symbolism, like his 2015 Republic Day invitation to former President Barack Obama, the first time an American president joined this day honoring India’s constitution. Even so, Modi has leaned into the United States while leaning into many other partners around the world. The Modi government invokes a Sanskrit saying, the “world is one family” (vasudhaiva kutumbakam), to frame Indian diplomacy. This approach has been termed “multialignment,” a theory of seeking positive ties as far and as widely as possible, without seeing contradictions in this approach.

In practice, New Delhi has carefully managed its relationships with Saudi Arabia as well as Iran; with Israel as well as the Palestinian Territories; with the United States as well as Russia. India’s G20 presidency this year encapsulates this orientation, with its Sanskritic theme of “One Earth, One Family, One Future,” and its twin efforts to lead the forum for the world’s 20 largest economies while self-consciously presenting itself as the “Voice of the Global South.”

With this history in mind, it’s easier to perceive that momentum in the U.S.-India relationship does not necessarily imply a path to a formal alliance or mutual defense treaty. In the United States, the mental model for positive international cooperation defaults to seeing “ally” as the ultimate endpoint. For India, that suggests a curtailment of independence. And with India, even as cooperation becomes more extensive than ever in the past, consequential differences remain.

For many in Washington, the dramatic growth of coordination and joint activities under the Quad consultative group fills a growing need in light of China’s rise, encompassing subjects as far-flung as maritime security, infrastructure, climate and resilience, vaccines, technology standards, and higher education—all underlining Indian strategic convergence with the United States in the Indo-Pacific. Yet strategic convergence there does not mean everywhere: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its year-long war has elicited a tepid tut-tut from New Delhi, while India has escalated its purchases of cheap Russian oil at a time Washington seeks to isolate Moscow.

On closer examination this foreign policy independence and desire to define its own path so prized by India may offer lessons for U.S. foreign policy. The unipolar moment has passed; in its place we have more actors with their own perspectives, and a rising China with global ambitions and its own priorities increasingly shaping the priorities of others. The array of special relationships and alliances nurtured by the United States over decades are still in place, but many of these are now inflected by divergences with Washington. Take Turkey, or France, or Egypt, Pakistan, or Brazil. These U.S. allies do not always see their alliance relationship with Washington as barriers to taking decisions that contradict U.S. preferences. Indeed, President Emmanuel Macron too invokes “strategic autonomy.”

It’s here that India’s ambivalence offers a lens onto the world Washington is likely to encounter on a growing scale. In this world of more diffused power—a world with more diverse actors taking more distinctive foreign policy steps—partnerships and even alliances marked by substantial disagreements might be the new normal. In fact, managing ambivalence may be the central skill for American foreign policy in the years ahead.

THE EAGLE CONNECTION: THE BALD EAGLE – THE GOLDEN EAGLE – OPERATION EAGLE – WHAT IS THE CONNECTION?

Whole Vesak – A pilgrim’s journey in search of Freedom

A pilgrim in search of a free nation. I am a refugee and who is my refuge?

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Buddha Purnima, is an auspicious day that marks the birth anniversary of Gautam Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. It is believed that this was also the day he attained enlightenment. Buddha Purnima falls on a full moon night, usually between April and May. This year it will be observed on Monday, May 12. Also known as Buddha Jayanti or Vaisakhi Buddha Purnima or Vesak.

Buddha Purnima is based on the Asian lunisolar calendar. It is celebrated with great fervour in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet and numerous other South East Asian countries including Thailand, China, Korea, Laos, Vietnam, Mongolia, Cambodia and Indonesia.

What is the difference between refuge and refugee?

As nouns the difference between refuge and refugee is that refuge being a state of safety, protection or shelter while refugee is a person seeking refuge in a foreign country out of fear of political persecution or the prospect of such persecution in his home country, i.e., a person seeking a political asylum. Some persons who need safety, protection or shelter may live in a foreign country without applying for political asylum.

My Musings on Buddha Purnima. I am a Refugee. Who is my Refuge?

On May 24, 1956, I was in Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, India. I went to the Indian Posts & Telegraphs Office on Kutchery Street to buy the First Day Cover issued in celebration of 2500th Buddha Jayanti.

On that Day, I was not aware that I would fail to see the brightness of the Full Moon on Monday, May 12, 2025. I see darkness. I see gloom. I learned the art of controlling my mind. I learned the art of self-discipline. Yet, I do not experience freedom while living in a free country.

My Life’s Journey began in Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, India. Amongst other places, my Service in the Indian Army Medical Corps took me to Establishment-22 at Chakrata, Dehradun District, Uttarakhand on September 22, 1971. After successful execution of a military operation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts during October 1971 to January 1972, I was posted Delta Sector of Vikas Regiment. I performed this Journey in a transport plane shared by the US and landed in a US built airfield in Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India during February 1972 prior to the US President Richard M Nixon’s visit to Peking. While I was serving in D Sector, Establishment-22 in Doom Dooma, I got married in January 1973. I served in Vikas Regiment during the presidency of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Eventually, I arrived in Ann Arbor, Michigan in 1986 without knowing that the US President Gerald Ford lived in Ann Arbor as a student. It’s not the end of the story. It’s the beginning of my journey as a slave in a free country.

I find myself living and surviving inside the belly of a Big Fish or a Great Whale. Prophet Jonah survived his ordeal just for three days and three nights. The Son of Man remained in the heart of the earth just for three days, and three nights. For me the end is not in sight for I am living under a very dark shadow, inside the belly of a Big Fish or a Great Whale without the hope of seeing light at the end of the tunnel.

In my analysis, I am a person in need of Refuge, Shelter, or Protection. I performed my Life Journey under shadow, the darkness of secrecy seeking a false sense of security. I need to break the shackles of secrecy to declare that I am a Refugee. As I am trapped, I can’t go to the Buddha for refuge, I can’t go the Dhamma for refuge, and I can’t go the Sangha for refuge. Who is my Refuge? To Whom, I should address my Petition? If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup of agony from me.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup away from me.

Buddha Purnima: Significance of Buddha’s Teachings

Clipped from: https://in.style.yahoo.com/buddha-purnima-significance-buddha-teachings-043009143.html

Buddha Purnima : Significance of Buddha’s Teachings

Buddha Purnima or Buddha Jayanti is celebrated with great enthusiasm among the Buddhist community as it is one of their most important and sacred festivals. The festival also known as Vesak as it is observed on a full moon in the month Vaisakha, marks the birth of Buddha, the day of his enlightenment as well as the day he entered nirvana and left his human body form.

This year, Buddha Purnima falls on May 12, which is a Monday.

However, it should be noted that different Buddhist communities may celebrate Buddha Purnima on different dates provided there are two full moons in the month of May.

The significance of this day can be understood by the events it upholds. Legend has it that Buddha’s wife Yashodhara, his first disciple Ananda and the Bodhi tree, the holy place under which Buddha attained enlightenment were all born or created on this very day. It is also believed that on this day Gautam Buddha chose to preach his first sermon in Varanasi or Banaras in India.

By the evidence found in history, Gautam Buddha was born between sixth and fourth century BCE.

Buddha was a firm believer of Karuna (meaning compassion) and Ahimsa (meaning non-violence). He spent his life searching for peace and truth. He believed that the material pleasures held little significance in life, and dedicated his life to spirituality and religion.

Since Buddha was born in a Hindu family, the festival holds a lot of significance for the Hindu community. In Hinduism, Lord Buddha is believed to be the ninth avatar of Lord Vishnu. Therefore, Buddha Purnima is an auspicious day for devotees of Lord Vishnu and is observed with full fervor in India.

Buddha Purnima has a lot of astrological significance as well. Buddha was born with Cancer Ascendant and Moon in Libra, and with the Sun positioned in the mighty Mars. In His Horoscope, the Moon is also aspected by five planets-Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Mars, and Saturn, and these made Him mentally strong.

In Buddhism, it is believed that for you to be able to enjoy good health, bring happiness to your family, and enjoy peace in life, you must first master control over your mind. In Hinduism, devotees of Lord Ganesh practice a similar belief; that by gaining control over one’s mind, one can find the way to enlightenment. Astrologers believe that to gain control of your mind, you should strengthen the Moon in your horoscope.

How to Celebrate Buddha Purnima

If you want to achieve mental peace and bliss this Vesak, you should follow Buddha’s “Eightfold path”. It is the only true way to celebrate the festival.

According to Buddha, the Eightfold path included-

Having the Right View or Understanding, by knowing the truth,

Having the Right Intention, by freeing your mind of bad thoughts,

Having the Right Speech, which does not hurt others,

Having the Right Action, by working for the good of others,

Having the Right Livelihood, by maintaining an ethical standard in life,

Having the Right Effort, by resisting evil,

Having the Right Mindfulness, by practicing meditation,

Having the Right Concentration, by controlling your thoughts.

It is believed that by following this path, you can be free from your sufferings, bring harmony and peace, and even bring in more positivity and optimism in your life.

For those who may be suffering from malefic effects of Planet Saturn, following the Eightfold Path can help you release mental pressure and also boost confidence in your life.

Devotees celebrate the festival by serving others and feeding the hungry while they themselves keep a fast and do charitable work.

Lanterns are also a special part of the celebrations. Mostly seen in Sri Lanka and South Korea, people light colorful electric lanterns, which signifies happiness and enlightenment. Happiness is believed to be the result of the individual becoming more mindful in their life.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup away from me.

Whole Dude – Whole Vikas – Whole Journey

Yes Indeed, Life is Complicated. The complexity of Life is about the nature of the man’s life journey. How would I know if every move I make has been predestined? How could I make this journey from Mylapore, Madras to Ann Arbor, Michigan? Do I have the free will to make the choices for the moves I choose? My Birthplace: Who chooses the Date, the Time, and the Place of Birth and Death?

Reflections on my Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections

Whole Dude – Whole Vikas – Whole Journey: My reflections on Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections. I was born in Mylapore at my maternal grandfather’s residence on Kutchery Street with Santhome Cathedral on the east and the Kapaleeswarar Temple on the west. My national identity is derived from a mansion located on Royapettah High Road in Mylapore.

Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (05 September 1888 to 17 April 1975), the second President of the Republic of India is known to me from my early childhood.

Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan belonged to Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai) and his residence was on Royapettah High Road which is renamed as Dr Radhakrishnan Salai. His daughter, Rukmini was married to the younger brother of my maternal grandfather, Her residence was near Luz Corner, Mylapore. My grandfather, Dr. Kasturi. Narayana Murthy, M.D., lived at 2/37 Kutchery Street in Mylapore. I was born in my grandfather’s residence. There are four dimensions of my Identity shaped by my birthplace, the neighborhood where I was born. These are my personal identity, the choice of my personal name associated with a Temple in my neighborhood, my national identity associated with a mansion that I visited as a child, and my social identity associated with the celebration of Buddha Jayanti as a kid and the marital identity shaped by the Cathedral very close to my birthplace which predetermined my choice to accept a Church Wedding at age 25.

While I lived in Mylapore and later during my regular summer vacations spent in Madras City, I used to visit Dr. Radhakrishnan’s daughter’s residence daily. At that time, Dr. Radhakrishnan served as the first Vice President of India (1952-1962).

I clearly remember the celebration of 2500th Birth Anniversary of Gautama Buddha on May 24, 1956, while I was in Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai).

In India’s capital City of New Delhi, the celebration of Buddha Jayanti was attended by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. The Institution of Dalai Lama is the central focus of Tibetan Cultural Identity and Tibetan national character.

I want to share my reflections on my Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections. This relationship connects several important events of my life’s journey. For I believe in the doctrine of predestination, I can trace my life’s journey as a series of predetermined events.

In my analysis, the time and the place are of equal importance in the formulation of predetermined events. I shall discuss the role of time and place in the context of three issues; 1. Birth Place, 2. Relationships, for example, Radhakrishnan worked in Presidency College, Madras where my father studied and worked, and 3. The Final Destination.

My Birthplace: Who chooses the Date, the Time, and the Place of Birth and Death?

This landmark Temple of Kapaleeswara binds me to my birthplace of Mylapore, Madras(Chennai). The Presiding Diety of this Temple is chosen as my personal Protector and hence I am given the name of "RUDRA". — Whole Dude – Whole Vikas – Whole Journey: My reflections on Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections. I was born in Mylapore at my maternal grandfather’s residence on Kutchery Street with Santhome Cathedral on the east and the Kapaleeswarar Temple on the west. This landmark Temple of Kapaleeswarar binds me to my birthplace of Mylapore, Madras (Chennai). The Presiding Deity of this Temple is chosen as my personal Protector and hence I am given the name of “RUDRA.”

A view of the eastern Gopuram from inside the ... — Whole Dude – Whole Vikas – Whole Journey: My reflections on Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections. I was born in Mylapore at my maternal grandfather’s residence on Kutchery Street with Santhome Cathedral on the east and the Kapaleeswarar Temple on the west.Kapaleeswarar temple in Mylapore, Madras. A view of the eastern Gopuram from inside the temple. My personal name was decided under the influence of the Date, the Time, and the Place of my birth.

Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, my birthplace predetermined my connection to Radhakrishnan as well as my connection to my wife who is also born on the fifth day of September.

Radhakrishnan studied in Madras Christian College and later worked in Presidency College, Madras. My wife talks about Madras Christian College for her father, and four of her brothers studied there. In February 1973, just after I got married, I visited Madras Christian College along with my wife to meet her younger brother who was studying there for his Master of Science degree.

My father studied in Presidency College, Madras and later worked there during my early childhood years spent in Mylapore. Apart from Radhakrishnan, his son, Sarvepalli Gopal also worked in Presidency College.

My Relationships

**Whole Dude – Whole Vikas – Whole Journey: My reflections on Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections**. My birth Star: Moola Nakshatra predestined my relationships.

In October 1962, my connection to Radhakrishnan was shaped by Communist China’s attack on India across the Himalayan Frontier. On one hand the Spirit of Nationalism inspired me to serve in the Indian Army, and on the other hand, it profoundly influenced my thinking about choosing a life partner. At the same time, the 1962 India-China War prepared a very special place to render my military service while I am still a college student. In September 1969, I was granted the Short Service Regular Commission to serve in the Indian Army Medical Corps. My educational career prepared me for this role as well as giving me the opportunity to find a partner who accepted my passion to serve in the Olive-Green military uniform. I got married in January 1973 while I was serving in D Sector, Establishment 22 and was stationed at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam. My journey from Mylapore to Chakrata, from Chakrata to Doom Dooma, from Doom Dooma to Ann Arbor, USA was predestined and cannot be explained as personal choices I made.

Vikas Regiment of Special Frontier Force is known by the study of its military mission

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMAH; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967. While Special Frontier Force is a product of Cold War Era secret diplomacy, I share my personal story, the events from early childhood, that shaped the rest of my life and has formulated my bonding with this Organization and my desire to accomplish its military mission.

September 05-Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan's birthday — The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan's birthday(05 September) as Teacher's Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter. — Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday (05 September) as Teacher’s Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter and the Indian President. He correctly predicted the need for military action to fight injustice and during his Presidency, India bravely resisted the Chinese aggression and thousands of Indian Army soldiers gave their precious lives to defend India. It inspired me to serve in the Indian Armed Forces to continue the task of opposing, and resisting the threat posed by Communist China.

India – Tibet Relations From 1950 to 1962:

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha(Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Becuase of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to People's Republic of China's invasion of Tibet in 1950. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha (Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Because of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China had shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India, and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister Nehru to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche.

India achieved its full independence from the British rule on August 15, 1947. India became the Republic of India on January 26, 1950. Dr. Babu Rajendra Prasad became the first President of the Republic of India. The first general elections were held in 1952, and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who was at that time-serving as India’s ambassador to the Soviet Union, was elected as the first Vice President and he served a second term as the Vice President from 1957 to 1962. India witnessed a major military threat to its Himalayan frontier when the People’s Republic of China sent its army during October 1950 to occupy Tibet while Tibetans had no ability to resist such a massive, military invasion of their territory. Tibet tried to resolve the issue using diplomacy. Tibet requested India to bring the issue to the attention of the United Nations to adopt a resolution against the Communist invasion. At that time Tibet was still following the policy of political isolationism, and neutralism and was not recognized by the United Nations as a member nation. The United States was fighting the Korean War and was fully interested in preventing the spread of Communism in Asia. However, Tibet did not request for direct, US military intervention. India did not have the necessary military force of its own to intervene inside Tibet. At the same time, India also actively pursued its own policy of political neutralism that is known as the Nonaligned Movement to reduce the political tensions caused by the Cold War. India thought that the crisis in Tibet could be resolved by directly negotiating with China without involving the United Nations and without antagonizing its security interests in defending Kashmir from military aggression by Pakistan and its allies in the West. During 1951 Communist China had imposed a 17-Point Agreement on Tibet while Tibetans had no capacity to defend their rights; the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on 23rd May 1951 to take measures for the “Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” China started quoting this agreement to justify its illegal and unjust military occupation of Tibet. It must be clearly understood that the Great Fifth Dalai Lama founded the “Ganden Phodrang” Government of Tibet in 1642. The successive Dalai Lamas have headed the Tibetan State for nearly four centuries. Towards the end of the Qing Dynasty or Ching Dynasty, the Great 13th Dalai Lama declared Tibet’s Independence from Manchu China. From 1911 to 1950 – 39-Years, Tibet was an independent Nation before the creation of this political entity called The People’s Republic of China.

Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet's isolationism. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India's President and Vice President. Both India, and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India’s President and Vice President. Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security.

Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security. India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China's military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honour the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honor the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet who is seen seated between Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi.

India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism.

The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Both India, and Tibet desired friendly, and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Both India and Tibet desired friendly and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi during his visit to New Delhi in 1956. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China's policy of Expansionism. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai’s visit to New Delhi in 1956.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China's military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai , and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: This photo image of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrates the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India's peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.

While Tibet tried its very best to please the Communist leaders of China, India had also pursued a similar policy to befriend China to address the problem of the military threat posed by the military occupation of Tibet. The “Panchsheela” Agreement of 1954 between India and People’s Republic of China recognizes Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, and India agreed to withdraw its very small, military presence in Tibet. India believed that China would grant full autonomy to Tibet and preserve the political, and cultural institutions of Tibet.

It must be noted that Tibet did not recognize or endorse the Panchsheela Agreement made by India and China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence(PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad(first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou En-Lai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad (first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left.

Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September/October 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping). Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He had visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi(Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping(Deng Xiaoping). — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping).

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan had visited Peking during September 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan visited Peking during September/October 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.

The Origin of Vikas Regiment of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22:

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China's occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People's Liberation Army. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.

The need for the use of military force became inevitable after China made it abundantly clear that it would not negotiate its military occupation of Tibet and would not allow the traditional form of Tibetan Government as represented by the Institution of the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan Resistance Movement began with a very modest attempt to train some Tibetan nationals to fight the Chinese People’s Liberation Army that occupied Tibet.

1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.

During 1957 it became very clear that Communist China would not relax its military grip over Tibet, and the hopes for limited Tibetan autonomy evaporated. Both India, and Tibet had agreed to seek American military intervention, and it must be believed that India only wanted a covert, military operation to build and establish a Tibetan Resistance Movement to challenge and overthrow the Chinese military regime in Tibet. The climax of this Tibetan Resistance was during March 1959, and China using its vastly superior military power easily crushed this Tibetan Uprising. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had no choice; he and his close followers fled Tibet to seek political asylum in India.

The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA's covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.

India received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.

The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise if Tibet finds India as its natural ally.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had arrived in India during March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama arrived in India on 31 March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles in the Tawang Sector of the North East Frontier Agency which is renamed as Arunachal Pradesh.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad had received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India's belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China's occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. Vice President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.

The 1962 India – China War:

I must admit that the Chinese brutal attacks across the Himalayan frontier during October 1962 came as a shocking surprise to me and to most people all over India. To some extent, India, Tibet, and the United States had lacked the intelligence capabilities to know the intentions and the capabilities of their enemy. The costs of this 1962 War would be known if China takes courage and openly admits the numbers of its soldiers wounded, and killed in action. China paid a heavy price and had utterly failed to obtain legitimacy for its military occupation of Tibet.

Truths about the 1962 India-China War — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The 1962 War between India and China paved the way towards a better understanding of India’s security concerns and the need for military alliance/pact with a friendly power like the United States to meet the challenge posed by Communist China. I appreciate Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for his idealistic views and aspiration to be known as a peacemaker. He finally recognized the need for a strong, well-equipped Army.

The 1962 War of Aggression launched by Communist China had a decisive influence on my personal life. I was a college student, and I was in the first year of my 3-year Bachelor of Science degree course. I felt a strong urge to join India’s Armed Forces to specifically address the military threat posed by China. The 1962 War was a conflict imposed by China to teach India a lesson. Later, official documents released by China describe that Chairman Mao Tse-Tung took punitive action to teach a lesson to India when it launched a massive war of retribution attacking Indian Army positions across the entire Himalayan frontier in October 1962. Chairman Mao Tse-Tung was angered by the support extended by India to Tibet to counter the military occupation. Chairman Mao resented India’s role in helping the covert operation of the Central Intelligence Agency and had called it an “Imperialist” conspiracy or plot against China. China had utterly failed to achieve its objectives and the War ended when China declared a unilateral ceasefire on November 21, 1962, and withdrew from the captured Himalayan territory. It should be noted that India did not request China to declare this ceasefire. India did not promise that it will withhold the support that it extends to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. The Secret White House Recordings of the US President John F Kennedy reveal that Kennedy had threatened to nuke China in 1962 and I must say that the threat achieved its purpose and had forced China to stop its military aggression and withdraw unilaterally without demanding any concessions from India, or Tibet.

The Birth of Vikas Regiment of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22:

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People's Republic of China could not alter the course of India's foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to "NUKE" China. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.

President John F. Kennedy immediately responded to the Chinese attack on India. Apart from delivery of arms and ammunition, and other military supplies, American aircraft carried out photo missions over the Indo-Tibetan border. In a meeting held on November 19, 1962 at the White House, President Kennedy, Dean David Rusk (Secretary of State), Averell Harriman (Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs), Robert McNamara (Secretary of Defense), General Paul Adams (Chief of the US Strike Command), John Kenneth Galbraith (US Ambassador to India), John A McCone (Director of Central Intelligence Agency), Desmond Fitzgerald (the Far Eastern CIA Chief), James Critchfield (the Near East CIA Chief), John Kenneth Knaus (CIA’s Tibet Task Force), and David Blee (CIA Station Chief in New Delhi) had decided upon a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India which was initially named as Establishment No. 22 and later the name Special Frontier Force was added to describe the location of its headquarters in New Delhi.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to fight the threat posed by Communism. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru's visit to Washington D.C. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to build a personal relationship between the leaders. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to Washington D.C.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. India withstood the attack by Communist China and it soon recovered from its wounds and regained its full confidence to engage China on the battlefield.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. India understood the need for better preparedness to fight future wars and decided to maintain its support to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, the Head of Tibetan nation who was granted political asylum in India.

Special Frontier Force- President Radhakrishnan-Clash with China — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan is seen speaking to news reporters during the 1962 War. India was not deterred by Chinese aggression and had boldly continued the support it extended to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

The 1962 India-China War, a military conflict that was initiated by China accomplished the exact opposite of what China had planned to accomplish.

1. India became more firmly aligned with the United States discarding its original policy of political neutralism.

2. The level of cooperation between the Central Intelligence Agency and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW-The Intelligence Bureau of India) became greatly enhanced.

3. India started increasing its own defense-preparedness and strengthened its military capabilities to fight a future war with China.

4. India was not deterred by the Chinese attack and decided to substantially increase its involvement with the Tibetan Resistance Movement. India made the commitment to provide a permanent base to the Tibetan Resistance Movement apart from hosting the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

5. India, Tibet, and the United States joined together in a military alliance/pact leading to the creation of the military organization called the Establishment No. 22 which is later formally named The Special Frontier Force to describe its official Headquarters in New Delhi.

President Radhakrishnan’s Historic Visit to The United States on June 03/04, 1963:

President Kennedy with Indian President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan — **The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment is linked to the presidency of John F. Kennedy.**

After the conclusion of the 1962 War with China, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s personal health demanded a serious attention and President Radhakrishnan performed the historical journey to the United States on June 03/04 to meet the US President John F. Kennedy to express India’s solidarity with the United States in promoting Peace and Democracy, and the visit displays the trust, and confidence placed by India in the future of their mutual military assistance, and cooperation. I am happy to share several photo images of that visit.

President John F. Kennedy is known to me for he founded the military organization called the Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment, in 1962 to secure Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in the occupied Land of Tibet. President Kennedy acted as a ‘True Neighbor’ of Tibet when he acted with compassion after recognizing the plight of helpless Tibetan people. The United States must reflect its true national values in the manner in which it treats its alien residents.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03/04, 1963. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. The historic visit by President Radhakrishnan to affirm India’s friendly relationship with the United States in their policy towards China.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China. — The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China.

Indian President-President Kennedy-Spirits of Special Frontier Force — **The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment**

I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore residence after his retirement during 1967. At that time, both of us were not aware that the very first posting of my career in the Indian Armed Forces would be that of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 that was created during his presidency. In India, Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan is recognized as a teacher, philosopher, and a statesman. He is never described as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces. I was granted Commission to serve in the Indian Army at the pleasure of the President of India, and my posting order to serve as a Medical Officer in Establishment No. 22 – Special Frontier Force was issued under the authority of the Ministry of Defence which functions under the powers sanctioned by the President of India.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 had shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People's Republic of China. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This photo image shows Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People’s Republic of China. I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore, Madras(Chennai) residence after completion of his term of presidency in 1967. He prefers to read while relaxing in his bed. This is the image, I still carry in my memory.

Special Frontier Force-At Sarasawa. — The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This is a photo image taken at Sarasawa airfield that proudly displays the National Flag of Tibet. Special Frontier Force is a living military organization that is facing its future with hope and encouragement from the United States, India, and Tibet.

Whole Dude – Whole Vikas

Special Frontier Force is known by the study of its military mission

Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan belonged to Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai) and his daughter, Rukmini was married to the younger brother of my maternal grandfather, Dr. Kasturi. Narayana Murthy, M.D., who lived at 2/37 Kutchery Road in Mylapore. I was born in my grandfather’s residence. While I lived in Mylapore and later during my regular summer vacations spent in Madras City, I used to visit Dr. Radhakrishnan’s daughter’s residence daily. At that time, Dr. Radhakrishnan served as the first Vice President of India (1952-1962). I clearly remember the celebration of 2500th Birth Anniversary of Gautama Buddha on May 24, 1956, while I was in Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai). In India’s capital City of New Delhi, the celebration was attended by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. The Institution of Dalai Lama is the central focus of Tibetan Cultural Identity and Tibetan national character.

India – Tibet Relations From 1950 to 1962:

It must be noted that Tibet did not recognize or endorse the Panchsheela Agreement made by India and China.

The Origin of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22:

India received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.

The 1962 India – China War:

The Birth of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22:

The 1962 India-China War, a military conflict that was initiated by China accomplished the exact opposite of what China had planned to accomplish.

1. India became more firmly aligned with the United States discarding its original policy of political neutralism.

2. The level of cooperation between the Central Intelligence Agency and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW-The Intelligence Bureau of India) became greatly enhanced.

3. India started increasing its own defense-preparedness and strengthened its military capabilities to fight a future war with China.

President Radhakrishnan’s Historic Visit to The United States on June 03/04, 1963:

Whole Dude – Whole Train

The Train of Thoughts: On 19th January, 2024, My Memory Train Keeps On Rolling

HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS : SEPTEMBER 04, 1959 .

**Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. On January 19, 2024 My Memory Train Keeps on Rolling. My connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.**

Mylapore, Madras, Chennai is my birthplace. Ever since my birth in Chennai, my life journey rolled on locomotive trains and carriages built in Perambur, Chennai.

Indian Railways celebrated the 75th Anniversary of Independence Day in 2022 by offering rides in the Memory Train built in Perambur.

My Memory Train keeps on rolling. I am happy to share the Train of Thoughts, the memory of India’s first woman Prime Minister.

**Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.**

Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. On January 19, 1966, Indira Gandhi became the third Prime Minister of India. She married Feroze Gandhy or Feroze Gandhi born into a Parsi family. Feroze Gandhi was a Member of India’s First Parliament and had won elections to the Parliament in 1952 and 1957 from Rai Bareilly Constituency in Uttar Pradesh State. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

On January 19, 1966 I was a student at Kurnool Medical College, Kurnool, Andhra Pradesh, India. The appointment of Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister delighted my nationalist sentiment. I immediately sent her a letter of congratulations. She graciously responded to the same. During June 1967, I had the opportunity to meet her at her official residence in New Delhi along with a group of college students participating in a National Student Seminar on National Integration. I was granted Short Service Regular Commission in the Indian Army Medical Corps in the rank of Second Lieutenant during September 1969 while I was still studying in Kurnool Medical College. My career in the Indian Army Medical Corps began in 1969 and concluded on January 10, 1984, during the years she was Prime Minister of India.

Simon Cyrene

Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with Sheikh Mujib -ur-Rehman, Prime Minister of Bangladesh at the Palam airport, prior to latter’s departure on April 11, 1974. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. From 1971 to 1974, apart from initiating the Liberation of Bangladesh with military action in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, I took part in the effort to train Bangladeshi nationals to provide personal protection to Bangladesh Prime Minister.

INDIRA GANDHI BECOMES INDIAN PRIME MINISTER – JANUARY 19, 1966

Clipped from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/indira-gandhi-becomes-indian-prime-minister?

1966

Following the death of Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi becomes head of the Congress Party and thus Prime Minister of India. She was India’s first female head of government and by the time of her assassination in 1984 was one of its most controversial.

Gandhi was the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the independent Republic of India. She became a national political figure in 1955, when she was elected to the executive body of the Congress Party. In 1959, she served as president of the party and in 1964 was appointed to an important post in Lal Bahadur Shastri’s ruling government. Soon after becoming Prime Minister, Gandhi was challenged by the right wing of the Congress Party, and in the 1967 election she won only a narrow victory and thus had to rule with a deputy prime minister.

In 1971, she won a resounding reelection victory over the opposition and became the undisputed leader of India. That year, she ordered India’s invasion of Pakistan in support of the creation of Bangladesh, which won her greater popularity and led her New Congress Party to a landslide victory in national elections in 1972.

During the next few years, she presided over increasing civil unrest brought on by food shortages, inflation, and regional disputes. Her administration was criticized for its strong-arm tactics in dealing with these problems. Meanwhile, charges by the Socialist Party that she had defrauded the 1971 election led to a national scandal. In 1975, the High Court in Allahabad convicted her of a minor election infraction and banned her from politics for six years. In response, she declared a state of emergency throughout India, imprisoned thousands of political opponents, and restricted personal freedoms in the country. Among several unpopular programs during this period was the forced sterilization of men and women as a means of controlling population growth.

In 1977, long-postponed national elections were held, and Gandhi and her party were swept from office. The next year, Gandhi’s supporters broke from the Congress Party and formed the Congress (I) Party, with the “I” standing for “Indira.” Later in 1978, she was briefly imprisoned for official corruption. Soon after the ruling Janata Party fell apart, the Congress (I) Party, with Indira as its head, won a spectacular election victory in 1980, and Gandhi was again Prime Minister.

In the early 1980s, several regional states intensified their call for greater autonomy from New Delhi, and the Sikh secessionist movement in Punjab resorted to violence and terrorism. In 1984, the Sikh leaders set up base in their sacred Golden Temple in Amritsar. Gandhi responded by sending the Indian army in, and hundreds of Sikhs were killed in the government assault. In retaliation, Sikh members of Gandhi’s own bodyguard gunned her down on the grounds of her home on October 31, 1984. She was succeeded by her son, Rajiv Gandhi.

Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. On completion of my military training and medical internship in 1971, I was sent on deputation to serve in Special Frontier Force,Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment, a multinational defense alliance/pact which is supervised by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Secretariat/The Directorate General of Security. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi

**Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The Nehru Legacy Lives.**

Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. January 19 brings back the memories of my connection to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. I am a witness to the sentiment shared by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

**Whole Dude – Whole Train: The Train of Thoughts. This post is presented by the Rudi-Grant Connection**

MY LIFE’S STRUGGLE IN THE SHADOWS OF TIBET’S STRUGGLE

MY LIFE’S STRUGGLE IN THE SHADOWS OF TIBET’S STRUGGLE

I can best describe my life as an incessant struggle in the Shadows of Tibet’s Struggle for Freedom, Peace, and Justice in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

Tibet struggle’s slow slide off the global radar as Dalai Lama ages

Clipped from: https://news.yahoo.com/tibet-struggles-slow-slide-off-global-radar-dalai-074037209.html

The iconic Potala Palace in Tibet’s regional capital of Lhasa (AFP Photo/JOHANNES EISELE)

Sixty years after the Dalai Lama fled into permanent Indian exile, the cause of Tibetan freedom that earned him a Nobel prize and a celebrity-studded international following has lost much of its momentum — neutralized, analysts say, by the passage of time and China’s rising global power.

Inside Tibet, Beijing has effectively wiped out any organized opposition to its iron-clad rule, while outside, the once-vocal support of sympathetic governments and world leaders has dwindled to near-silence in recent years despite the 14th Dalai Lama’s enduring personal popularity.

“The fate of Tibet is in the hands of the Chinese state… Tibetans outside the region are not very relevant to the fate of Tibet, and this includes the Dalai Lama”, said Nathan Hill, convener of Tibetan studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London.

In 2007, the Buddhist spiritual leader said his homeland was facing its “darkest period in 2,000 years”. The following year, with the world’s eyes on China in the run-up to the 2008 Olympics, protests unfurled across Tibet, sparking a furious response from Beijing.

“You don’t see protests like that anymore,” said Kate Saunders of the US-based International Campaign for Tibet, attributing the shift in part to Tibetans abiding by the Dalai Lama’s message of non-violence and to massive Chinese state surveillance.

Although the Dalai Lama’s campaign largely focused on autonomy rather than independence, negotiations with China stalled in 2010, amid suspicion that Beijing was intentionally dragging on pointless talks, hoping international pressure would ease with his eventual death.

The 83-year-old has sought to pre-empt any attempt by Beijing to name his reincarnated successor, even announcing in 2011 that he may be the last in the lineage.

The officially atheist Communist Party has already shown it will intervene in the reincarnation of important figures in Tibetan Buddhism, such as the Panchen Lama who traditionally plays a significant role in choosing the Dalai Lama’s successor.

The boy chosen by the Dalai Lama to serve as the Panchen Lama was detained by Chinese authorities at the age of six and has not been seen since, with Beijing appointing its own candidate in 1995.

Although the exiled leader remains a hugely popular speaker, he has cut back on his global engagements and has not met a world leader since 2016 — while governments have been wary of extending invitations to him for fear of angering Beijing.

“The craze for Tibet among Westerners in the 1980s and the following decades has decreased significantly”, said Katia Buffetrille, a Tibetologist at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in Paris.

Even India, which offered asylum to the Dalai Lama in 1959 when he made a daring escape across the Himalayas dressed as a soldier, has turned its back, with the government reportedly warning officials against attending events featuring him, citing diplomatic sensitivities.

– Buying freedom –

As the exile-led movement loses momentum, Tibetans at home are struggling to keep their traditions alive.

“Tibetans live in a totalitarian police state — if they challenge restrictions, they face the consequences,” said Gray Tuttle, a professor of modern Tibetan studies at Columbia University.

“Previous protests from the 1980s on… have yielded no tangible benefits, rather they have generated a worse political outcome and further clampdown.”

At least 150 Tibetans have set themselves on fire since 2009 in protest against Beijing, most of whom have died from their injuries. But the frequency of self-immolations has lessened.

China’s investment in the region includes a huge outlay on security to build a surveillance state that makes it harder to organize protests. Rights groups say that a government campaign targeting the family and friends of protesters has also helped suppress dissent.

Beijing insists that Tibetans enjoy extensive freedoms and argues it has brought economic growth to the mountainous region.

The oppression of Uighurs in Xinjiang has also overtaken Tibet as the focus of China’s human rights critics.

When Germany’s top human rights official Barbel Kofler asked to visit Xinjiang last year, she was taken instead to Tibet — an indication of how much Beijing feels secure about the situation there, even though foreign journalists are still barred from reporting independently in the region.

Many locals accuse Beijing of repressing their religion and diluting their culture, but nonetheless the economic growth — boosted by government subsidies — has even seen Tibetan exiles return to the region.

Tibetologist Francoise Robin, who visits the region every year, told AFP that Beijing had effectively sidelined any talk of freedom by pumping money into Tibet.

“This is what is paradoxical in the case of Tibet, compared to other similar situations, because China is a country… that is on the rise. Often, in order for a rebellion, for a mass movement to rise, you need economic despair.”

burs-amu/fox/fa

RICHARD NIXON VISITS CHINA. THE WEEK THAT DOOMED MY LIFE.

My arrival in Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India during the Week of February 1972 marks an event that Doomed My Life.

I live in the United States, the Leader of the Free World, a Free Nation without any sense of hope for my future Life. I constantly experience the Misery, the Despair, the Frustration, the Disappointment, the Pain, and the Feelings of Hopelessness that describe the lives of Tibetans living in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

Richard Nixon visits China – HISTORY

Year1972

Richard Nixon visits China

President Richard Nixon visits the People’s Republic of China. After arriving in Beijing, the president announced that his breakthrough visit
to China is “The week that changed the world.” In meeting with Nixon, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai urged early peace in Vietnam but did not endorse North Vietnam’s political demands. North Vietnamese officials and peace negotiators took a dim view of Nixon’s trip, fearing that China and the United States would make a deal behind their backs. Nixon’s promise to reduce the U.S. military presence on Taiwan seemed to confirm North Vietnam’s fears of a Chinese-American sellout-trading U.S. military reduction in Taiwan for peace in Vietnam. Despite Hanoi’s fears, China continued to supply North Vietnam levels of aid that had increased significantly in late 1971. This aid permitted the North Vietnamese to launch a major new offensive in March 1972.

1972

Richard Nixon makes the first U.S. presidential visit to China

President Richard M. Nixon arrives in Beijing, the capital of the People’s Republic of China, on the first presidential visit to the world’s most populous nation. The U.S. federal government had formally opposed China’s communist government since it took power in 1949,

1848

Karl Marx publishes the Communist Manifesto

On February 21, 1848, The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx with the assistance of Friedrich Engels, is published in London by a group of German-born revolutionary socialists known as the Communist League.

Vietnam War

1970

Kissinger begins secret negotiations with North Vietnamese

National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger begins secret peace talks with North Vietnamese representative Le Duc Tho, the fifth-ranking member of the Hanoi Politburo, at a villa outside Paris.

1972

Nixon arrives in China for talks

In an amazing turn of events, President Richard Nixon takes a dramatic first step toward normalizing relations with the communist People’s Republic of China (PRC) by traveling to Beijing for a week of talks.

REWRITING INDIA, TIBET RELATIONS

REWRITING INDIA, TIBET RELATIONS

In my analysis, India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru treated Tibet with due respect. India recognizes the Institution of Dalai Lama and could hold negotiations with Tibet to formulate military alliance or pact between the US, India, and Tibet. All said and done, Tibet would not have received a better deal from Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

Special Frontier Force.

DALAI LAMA FORGETS NEHRU’S EFFORTS

Clipped from: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/dalai-lama-forgets-nehru-s-efforts/641748.html

Uncalled for: The Dalai Lama should have avoided his controversial remarks on Jinnah-Nehru.

PK Vasudeva
Academic

The exiled spiritual and political Tibetan leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, at a recent event in a management institute of Goa, surprisingly said that Partition would have been averted had Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah become the first Prime Minister of India. “Mahatma Gandhi was very much willing to give the prime-ministership to Jinnah. But Pandit Nehru refused. I think Pandit Nehru was a little bit self-centered,” said the Dalai Lama.
Basically, the Dalai Lama should have avoided this uncalled for verdict on Jinnah and Nehru because at the time of granting asylum to him, the Government of India clearly conveyed that he and his “government-in-exile” in Macleodganj, Himachal Pradesh, will not indulge in any political activities in India and shall remain confined to religious and cultural activities pertaining to Tibet.
In 1954, India and China signed the “Panchsheel” Agreement, which recognized the Chinese sovereignty over Tibet and Nehru-led India decided to withdraw its military presence from Tibet. However, Tibetans neither recognized nor endorsed the agreement. But by 1957, when it became pretty evident that the PLA’s occupation over Tibet was not going to end, Indian and Tibetan leaders approached the next best option — the US.
With the help of the CIA, Tibetan freedom fighters were trained in covert CIA camps and resistance was generated. They supplied arms and equipment to fight the Chinese army. The CIA recruited locals to fight against the Chinese as guerrillas and were airdropped throughout the resistance period. However, the resistance was thrashed by the PLA. Monks and civilians were executed, and monasteries bombed, forcing the Dalai Lama and his followers to stealthily cross over to India in March 1959. China was angered with the Dalai Lama, as also with India for giving asylum to him and other “faulty” policy decisions of forward deployment of troops, which resulted in the 1962 war.

As the war reached its zenith, a panicky Nehru sought immediate help from US President John F Kennedy. At a meeting held on November 19, 1962, in the White House, the decision was taken for a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India — “Establishment 22” and later the Special Frontier Force (SFF). However, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from many locations, fearing the US may nuke China if the battle was not stopped.
The CIA and the IB helmed the project and a seasoned officer of the Indian Army, Major-General Sujan Singh Uban, was chosen to be the founder Inspector-General of the SFF. Based in Chakrata, Uttarakhand, the force was put under the direct supervision of the Intelligence Bureau, and later, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). With an initial strength of 12,000, the SFF commenced six months of training in rock-climbing and guerrilla warfare. The soldiers were recruited with help from political leaders of the Chushi Gangdruk, the original Tibetan resistance warriors. It was primarily raised to address the lack of intelligence during war and peace. With the formation of RAW by the late 60s, and with the help of the Aviation Research Centre (ARC) which provided airlift facilities, the SFF became fully airborne-qualified and a dedicated mountain warfare force.
The SFF commandos can survive in any hazardous conditions. They are tough, hardy, well-trained in rock-climbing, para-trooping, and skydiving. They proved their mettle in the Bangladesh war. They were valuable for clandestine intelligence collection, training the Mukti Bahini and carrying out several missions, including the destruction of the Kaptai Dam and bridges. They were also part of Operation Blue Star. They carry out clandestine operations but since they are under RAW, information regarding their clandestine operations remains secret.
Against this backdrop, such words coming from His Holiness are unwelcome. However, the 14th Dalai Lama apologized a couple of days later at Bengaluru at a ‘thanksgiving’ commemorative function of 60 years of Tibetans’ life in exile for his remarks, which he said had stirred a controversy.
To overcome his omission, he said, “Jawaharlal Nehru supported both the setting up of Tibetan settlements as well as the creation of Tibetan schools so that our culture and language could be preserved.”
During the 1959 Tibetan uprising, the Dalai Lama fled to India. After the founding of the government-in-exile, Nehru settled the approximately 80,000 Tibetan refugees who followed him into exile.
The Dalai Lama is the spiritual leader of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism. The Kagyu Karmapa is the spiritual leader of the Karma Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism. Interestingly, the current 14th Dalai Lama helped the young and controversial 17th Kagyu Karmapa after he escaped from China in 1999 following the same route the Dalai Lama took in 1959. The recognition of the 17th Karmapa has been a subject of controversy since two candidates have been put forward: Ogyen Trinley Dorje (OTD) and Trinley Thaye Dorje.
Intelligence agencies promote stories about OTD seeking asylum in the US, trying to buy land to settle down there or even returning to China. Last year, he promised to return by November 2018. The controversy of both the Karmapas can be resolved only with the blessings of the Dalai Lama who before the time of incarnation should declare the real 17th Karmapa for Tibetan unity and support for his successor.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION

I am sharing pictures of Sela Pass near Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh (North East Frontier Agency or NEFA), India, to recall my visit to Tawang in 1972 at the request of Nixon administration. President Richard M. Nixon after his famous visit to Peking to establish friendly relations with Communist China, surprised me when his Administration contacted my Unit to place surveillance equipment inside Tibet to monitor China’s nuclear tests. To perform that task, my Unit personnel did not require Passports or Visa documents for Tibet is claimed by them as their own territory.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

The Sela Pass is the high altitude mountain pass in Tawang District of Arunachal Pradesh, India. It is at elevation of 13,700 feet.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Sela Pass Photo Image Compilation by Ateeq Ahmed Siddiqui.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Sela Pass.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang District, Arunachal Pradesh or NEFA.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang Road, Arunachal Pradesh or NEFA.

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE – PEKING – TAWANG – NIXON CONNECTION. MY 1972 TAWANG VISIT.

Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. Tawang Road, Sela Pass.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTctDgy6XT8

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. In 1972, just a few months after President Nixon’s Visit to Peking, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon – Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – India- Nixon Connection. In 1972, at the request of Nixon administration, I visited Tawang.**

**Special Frontier Force – Peking – Tawang – Nixon Connection. At the request of Nixon Administration in 1972, I visited Tawang.**

WHAT IS MILITARY INTELLIGENCE? TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY

On October 22, 2010, People’s Republic of China has launched an official online mapping service and has formally claimed the entire state of ‘Arunachal Pradesh’ and Aksai Chin region of India’s Ladakh region of the State of Jammu and Kashmir as its own territory. Beijing claims Arunachal Pradesh and has named that area as ‘Southern Tibet’. The Simla Agreement of 1914, and the McMahon Treaty between British India, Tibet, and Manchu China had established the McMahon Line as the legitimate boundary between India and Tibet. Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh was under Tibetan domination during early 19th century. Tibetans consider Tawang as holy land as their Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsang Yang Gyatso ( The Precious Ocean of Pure Melody ), a great poet was born there during 1683. However, the 13th Dalai Lama had ceded this territory to British India and had agreed that McMahon Line determines the Indo-Tibetan border. During Communist China’s unilateral military attack on India in 1962, the Indian government had declared that McMahon Line as the official boundary between India and Tibet which came under China’s military occupation since 1950.

The Security of Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet's Independence. — **The Security of Arunachal Pradesh is better served by Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama -Arunachal Pradesh — **Birthplace of Tsangyang Gyatso, 6th Dalai Lama, Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh-Tibet's Independence — **McMahon Line in Aksai Chin of Ladakh is the boundary recognized by India. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

McMahon-line and Tibet's Independence — **The McMahon Treaty of 1914 and the McMahon Line establish the boundary between India and Tibet. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

The Security of North-East India and Tibet's Independence. — **To defend Northeast India, to curb the activities of insurgents and rebels, India must support Tibet’s Independence. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

India and China have already held 13 rounds of talks to resolve the boundary issue. General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC served as India’s Chief of Army Staff from 22 November 1994 to 30 September 1997. In a recent article published in The Asian Age, he described problem of the future security of Arunachal Pradesh. So also, India’s Chief of Army Staff, General V K Singh while addressing a seminar on “Indian Army : Emerging Roles and Tasks” on October 19, 2010 said that China and Pakistan are “irritants” for India.

India's Chief of Army Staff 1994 to 1997-Tibet's Independence. — **General Shankar Roychowdhury, PVSM, ADC was India’s 20th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

General Vijay Kumar Singh and Tibet's Independence. — **General Vijay Kumar Singh, AVSM, India’s 26th Chief of Army Staff. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.**

TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY : SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE DEFENDING FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN TIBET:

Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army had served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force prior to his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant General. He may be aware of the Primary Mission of Special Frontier Force. — Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh Suhag AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force from April 2009 to March 2011 in the rank of Major General. Tibet’s Independence is India’s Security.

TIBET'S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA'S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA'S ENEMIES. — **TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY. GENERAL DALBIR SINGH SUHAG AVSM VSM, INDIAN ARMY CHIEF OF STAFF KNOWS INDIA’S ENEMIES. TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.**

Flag of Tibet-Tibet's Independence is India's Security. — **TIBET’S INDEPENDENCE IS INDIA’S SECURITY.**

China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950 has subjected India to a variety of pressures. India will forever be subjected to pressures: militarily, politically, environmentally, and now, sharing of River waters if Tibet remains under Chinese military occupation. India, for its own Security, and for the future Security of Arunachal Pradesh needs Tibet to exist as a ‘Buffer Zone’ between India and China. Tibetan People have their legitimate Rights to defend their own Culture, Religion, Language, National Identity, Tibetan Buddhist Institutions and historical freedom to their own way of life. People of the entire Free World must come together and demand Tibet’s Independence from illegal Chinese occupation. The bilateral trade and commerce between China and India has allowed China to loot and plunder India’s natural resources without firing a bullet. China has colonized India and is exploiting its natural resources without the need for military occupation. China may not launch or initiate a large-scale military invasion of India as long as this lucrative trade in minerals and manufactured goods flourishes. However, India cannot afford to ignore this security threat and risk posed by China’s military occupation of Tibet. Tibet’s Independence would be in India’s interest and it would be India’s Security.

THE SPIRITS OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE:

I would invite all readers of this blog post to visit Facebook Page of The Spirits of Special Frontier Force and “LIKE” the Page to show their support for establishing Freedom and Democracy in Occupied Tibet.

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada,

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

THE ASIAN AGE:

Oct 19th, 2010

General Shankar Roychowdhury

All wars commence in the mind, and escalate with words. “Zhang Nan” or “Southern Tibet”, the designation bestowed by the People’s Republic of China on India’s state of Arunachal Pradesh bordering Tibet, is one such example. China now claims Arunachal Pradesh as its historic territory comprising the three southern districts of the Tawang Tract unilaterally acquired by the then British Empire after the Treaty of Simla in 1913. New demands, which were first articulated around 2005, initially concerned Tawang as a traditional tributary region of Lhasa, being the birthplace of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Tsangyang Gyatso, enthroned 1697, probably murdered 1706 by Mongol guards who were escorting him to Beijing under arrest). Subsequently, a day prior to the visit of China’s President Hu Jintao to India in 2006, Sun Yuxi, the then Chinese ambassador to India, stridently reiterated in public China’s claims to the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh in a deliberately provocative gesture designed to put New Delhi on notice of Beijing’s intention to dominate the agenda of interaction according to its own priorities. In a longer-term perspective, these needlessly provocative claims could escalate to a flash point with the potential to provoke a major confrontation between the two countries, and create an existential crisis for the entire region, a contingency for which India has to prepare itself adequately.

Indian reaction has been characteristically muted, constantly choosing to soft pedal and play down the issue — a unilateral gesture of restraint regardless of the degree of blatant provocation, which exasperated many in this country. It is seen as making a virtue out of necessity, because India has neglected to build up the requisite capabilities to adopt stronger alternatives. This is surely an unenviable position for a country seeking to promote itself as a major power for a permanent seat on the Security Council.

The present Sino-Indian equation is almost irresistibly reminiscent of the run-up to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and provides a fascinating playback of China’s postures at that time with its disconcertingly similar sequence of claims along the McMahon Line in North East Frontier Agency (Nefa), as well as along the Uttar Pradesh-Tibet border and in Ladakh, as relics of historic injustices perpetrated in earlier days by British imperialists. A naive and militarily ill-prepared India, with an exaggerated self-image of its own international relevance as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, had sought to dissuade a determined China with platitudinous Nehruvian philosophies of anti-colonial solidarity, all of which were contemptuously disposed of by “a whiff of grapeshot” on the desolate slopes of the Namkha Chu and Rezang La. India’s collapse and comprehensive downsizing in short order in 1962 was primarily because it lacked military capability vis-a-vis China, a fatal flaw which has a disconcerting tendency of repeating itself when lessons of earlier debacles wear off from the country, as they seem to be doing now. “1962 redux” is slowly grinding into gear again, with end results unforeseeable, except that an enhanced replay at some stage (2020?) can never be totally discounted. India must not repeat its follies of the past because this time around it has been adequately forewarned.

To recover and reunify what it perceives as its lost territories, notably Tibet and Taiwan, the People’s Republic of China has never swerved from its other such claims pertaining to areas along the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Indian borders, besides smaller island entities in the South and East China Seas, to which has now been added the complete territory of India’s Arunachal Pradesh under its new Chinese appellation.

India has to evaluate the threat potential of the situation dispassionately but realistically, having reference to China’s demonstrated determination to set its own history in order. Tibet was successfully concluded in 1950 when the People’s Liberation Army marched into the country against a feeble and disjointed resistance, and re-established China’s authority. Taiwan has been an infructuous effort so far only because of the massive support and protection of the United States, which has guaranteed the independence of that country with the presence of its Seventh Fleet.

The border of Arunachal Pradesh, and Ladakh cannot be resolved through diplomacy and mediation (again as in 1962), India will be left with starkly limited options — either capitulation to China, or military defence of its territory. In the latter contingency, even a speculative overview would suggest that for India a full-fledged Sino-India war would likely be a “two-and-a-half front”, with Pakistan and China combining in tandem, and an additional internal half front against affiliated terrorist networks already emplaced and functional within the country. For India it would be a combination of 1962, together with all of India’s wars against Pakistan (1947-65, ’71 and ’99), upgraded to future dimensions and extending over land, aerial, maritime space and cyberspace domains. Nuclear exchange at some stage, strategic, tactical or both, would remain a distinct possibility, admittedly a worst case, but one which cannot be ignored. The magnitude of losses in terms of human, material and economic costs to all participants can only be speculated upon at present.

China is obviously very much ahead of India in military capabilities, a comparative differential which will be further skewed with Pakistan’s resources coming into play. India has to develop its own matching capabilities in short order, especially the ability to reach out and inflict severe punitive damage to the heartlands of its adversaries, howsoever distant. There would be national, regional and international repercussions that would severely affect the direct participants as also close bystanders like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan, if not countries further afield as well.

Any future Sino-Indian conflict is a doomsday scenario, straight out of Dr Strangelove, a zero-sum calculus that must not allowed to occur. China must restrain itself regarding its alleged claims to India’s Arunachal be Pradesh. History has moved on — attempts to reverse it are futile.

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Member of Parliament.