“I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
NO REINCARNATION OF DALAI LAMA WITHOUT FREEDOM IN OCCUPIED TIBET. “I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
I am not surprised to note about a historical change introduced by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. He has given up his political power and has decided to guide future of Tibet as a Spiritual Leader. Such separation of powers is needed in view of Red China’s military occupation of Tibet. There will be no reincarnation of Dalai Lama without Freedom in Occupied Tibet. His legacy is of far more greater importance to Red China. But, for Dalai Lama there is no one who can save Red China. Beijing is Doomed. No other nation on Earth can come to rescue of Red China as she marches ahead to meet her downfall.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment
Dalai Lama: China more concerned about future Dalai Lamas than I am
By Mick Krever, CNN
Updated 8:05 AM ET, Wed October 7, 2015
Dalai Lama: China more concerned about future Dalai Lamas than I am. “I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
Dalai Lama: Future Dalai Lamas concern China
London (CNN) The Chinese government cares more about the Institution of the Dalai Lama than the man who carries that name, the 14th Dalai Lama told CNN’s Christiane Amanpour.
“I have no concern,” he told Amanpour in London, adding that it is “possible” he would be the last Dalai Lama.
Dalai Lama: China more concerned about future Dalai Lamas than I am. “I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
The Chinese government still considers him a political leader, the Dalai Lama said, as the previous men carrying that title were for centuries. But since 2011, he told Amanpour, he is only a spiritual leader. “I totally retired from political responsibility — not only myself retired, but also (a) four-century-old tradition.”
Buddhism in Tibet far precedes the Dalai Lama, and “in the future, Tibetan Buddhism will carry (on) without the Dalai Lama.” Decades ago, he told Amanpour, “I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
Amanpour spoke with the Dalai Lama shortly before he was hospitalized and forced to cancel several appearances in the United States. Now back in India, he has assured his followers he is in “excellent condition.”
The Chinese government is continually at odds with the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists. Chinese officials label him an “anti-China splittist,” alleging that he wants Tibet — now a region of China — to become an independent country.
“We are not seeking independence. Historically, we are (an) independent country. That’s what all historians know — except for the Chinese official historian; they do not accept that.” Labeling him a “splittist,” the Dalai Lama said, fits with China’s “hardliner policy.” “Past is past. We are looking (to the) future.”
Tibet, he said, is “materially backward,” and benefits from being part of China. “It’s in our own interest, for further material development — provided we have our own language, very rich spirituality.”
Asked if he had a message for Chinese President Xi Jinping, who at the time was on the eve of a state visit to Washington, the Dalai Lama at first demurred. With a laugh, he told Amanpour he’d have to think about it.
“I may say to him, Xi Jinping, leader of most populated nation, should think more realistically.”
“I want to say (to him), last year, he publicly mentioned in Paris as well as New Delhi, (that) Buddhism is a very important part of Chinese culture. He mentioned that. So I also say — I may sort of say some nice word about his — that comment.”
Nowhere else, the Dalai Lama said, is the “pure authentic” tradition of the religion kept so intact as in Tibet.
“No other Buddhist countries. So in China, preservation of Tibetan Buddhist tradition and Buddhist culture is (of) immense benefit to millions of those Chinese Buddhists.” In one of those Buddhist countries, Myanmar, the often peaceful image of practitioners has been tarred in recent years with the persecution of — and often outright violence against — Muslim minorities, the Rohingya.
Whenever a Buddhist feels “uncomfortable” with a Muslim, or person of any other religion, the Dalai Lama said, he or she should think of “Buddha’s face.” “If Buddha (were) there — certainly protect, or help to these victims. There’s no question. So as a follower of Buddha, you should follow Buddha sincerely. So national interest is secondary.”
“Consider as a human brothers, sisters. No matter what is his religious faith.” “To some people, Muslim, Islam, (is) more effective. So let them follow that. We must accept that.”
TIBET AWARENESS – SICHUAN – TIBET HIGHWAY – TIBET IS NEVER PART OF CHINA. “I publicly, formally, officially — I announced the very Institution of the Dalai Lama should continue or not — (it is) up to Tibetan people.”
The Celebration of World Tibet Day – The Concept of Tibet Equilibrium
The Celebration of World Tibet Day – The Concept of Tibet Equilibrium. I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
Thursday, July 06, 2017, 82nd Birthday of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama is observed as ‘World Tibet Day’ to promote Tibet Awareness. On this day, Tibetans called for President Trump’s intervention to restart dialogue on Tibet’s Future. Whereas I called for Tibet Equilibrium.
I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium’ to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power, and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
Rudra Narasimham, Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
World Tibet Day – Tibet Awareness – Tibet Equilibrium. I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
World Tibet Day – Tibet Awareness – Tibet Equilibrium. 82nd Birthday of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama on Thursday, July 06, 2017. I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
(Photo: AFP)
Thousands of Tibetans on Thursday morning joined in the 82nd birthday celebrations of their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama here. On this occasion, the Tibetan cabinet urged US President Donald Trump to initiate steps to restart dialogue on Tibet’s future.
Large crowds donning traditional dresses began to assemble since morning at the Shiwatsel Phodrang complex on the city’s outskirts for the birthday celebrations.
“Special prayer sessions were held for the long life of His Holiness,” a Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) spokesperson told IANS.
The Dalai Lama, revered by the Tibetans as a “living god”, attended the prayers and blessed the gathering.
Tibetan Prime Minister Lobsang Sangay also attended the celebrations, while his cabinet urged Trump to initiate steps for restarting the dialogue process on the future of Tibet.
“We also urge President Trump to support the middle-way approach and dialogue between the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the representatives of the Chinese government,” said the cabinet in a statement.
Expressing gratitude to US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson for his support for dialogue, it said: “We also thank Terry Branstad, the US Ambassador to China, for calling on China to provide meaningful autonomy for Tibetans.”
The cabinet reiterated its commitment to “middle-way” approach as the mutually beneficial solution to resolving the long-standing issue of Tibet.
Meanwhile, officials of the Dalai Lama’s office said the spiritual leader would stay in Shiwatsel Phodrang in Leh till July 30.
During his visit, he would participate in religious ceremonies, conduct meditational retreat and deliver teachings at Diskit Monastery in the Nubra Valley, Padum in Zanskar area and the Shiwatsel teaching ground here.
The Dalai Lama’s sermons on ethics, non-violence, peace and religious harmony have made him one of the 20th century’s most revered spiritual leaders.
Born on July 6, 1935, at Taktser hamlet in northeastern Tibet, the Dalai Lama was recognized at the age of two as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso.
He fled Tibet after a failed uprising against the Chinese rule in 1959 and has been based in India since then.
The Dalai Lama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989 for his non-violent campaign for democracy and freedom in his homeland.
However, the Chinese view him as a hostile element bent on splitting Tibet from China.
India is home to around 100,000 Tibetans. The Tibetan government-in-exile is not recognized by any country.
World Tibet Day – Tibet Awareness – Tibet Equilibrium. Thursday, July 06, 2017.I coined the phrase ‘Tibet Equilibrium to describe a Natural Condition that restores Natural Freedom, Natural Order, Natural Balance of Power and Natural Harmony in Occupied Tibet.
Tibet Awareness – Tibet is the Core Issue for the World Community of Nations
There should be no border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China as they do not share a common border. The problem of China’s military occupation of Tibet should be addressed by the global community of nations to secure Peace, Security, and Justice in South Asia. To resolve the Great Problem of Tibet, we must resolve Tibet-China Border dispute.
There should be no border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China as they do not share a common border. The problem of China’s military occupation of Tibet should be addressed by the global community of nations to secure Peace, Security, and Justice in South Asia. To resolve the Great Problem of Tibet, We must Resolve Tibet-China Border dispute
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
TIBET’S MILITARY OCCUPATION – THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM: Historically Tibet came under military conquests by Mongol China and Manchu China and yet retained its independent way of living without any problem. The Evil Red Empire formulated by Red China’s Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong unleashed a different kind of beast to rule over the lives of Tibetans.
Tibet should be one of the core issues for India, says Lobsang Sangay, the head of Tibetan Government-in-Exile
Tibet should be one of the core issues for India as China is trying to “influence” all of its neighbors, Lobsang Sangay, the head of the Tibetan government in exile has said.
There should be no border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China as they do not share a common border. The problem of China’s military occupation of Tibet should be addressed by the global community of nations to secure Peace, Security, and Justice in South Asia. To resolve the Great Problem of Tibet, we must resolve Tibet-China Border dispute.
Tibet should be one of the core issues for India, says Lobsang Sangay (Reuters)
Tibet should be one of the core issues for India as China is trying to “influence” all of its neighbours, Lobsang Sangay, the head of the Tibetan government in exile has said. China insists Tibet has been part of its territory for centuries, but many Tibetans say they were essentially independent for most of that time. The Dalai Lama fled to India in 1959 amid an abortive uprising against Chinese rule in his Himalayan homeland.
Sangay, who is currently here, has met several senior US administration officials, congressmen and senators and members of the think-tank community like the Hudson Institute. Explaining his quest for India making “Tibet a core issue”, Harvard educated Sangay said that after the occupation of Tibet, the People’s Liberation Army has now moved near the border of India.
“Now they are influencing all of India’s neighbours, from Pakistan, to Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal. It is a reality now,” he said in an interview to PTI.
India and Tibet have had historically, cultural and civilizational ties for hundreds of years, he said, adding Tibet is the source of water for India and South Asia. “For these reasons, Tibet is very important for not just India, for whole of South Asia and ASEAN countries too. Hence, Tibet should be one of the core issues for India,” Sangay said.
“China has already said Tibet is one of the core issues. So, India should also table Tibet as one of the core issues and address this issue with Tibetan people in mind,” he said. Responding to a question, Sangay said that the people of Tibet are following the middle way approach by seeking “genuine autonomy within the framework of the Chinese constitution”. “This is the reasonable moderate line,” he said.
For that there should be a dialogue between the envoys of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese Government, he said. He sought the revival of a dialogue that happened between 2002 to 2010. “We think, that kind of dialogue will lead to the resolution of the Tibetan issue,” he said.
The Cold War in Asia: The problem of China’s military occupation of Tibet should be addressed by the global community of nations to secure Peace, Security and Justice in Asia.
Raising Tibet – Raising Tibet Awareness – A Plateau under Military Occupation
As such, Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
Mother Nature has vast resources of energy which she is slowly spending over the last 50 million years to Raise Tibet with ease and without any apparent effort. Surprisingly, humans need to spend more energy as compared to Mother Nature’s energy expenditure to Raise Tibet. I am not resourceful like Mother Nature. My efforts to Raise Tibet Awareness is lot more challenging as I confront Red China who with her superior military force occupied Tibet which could not offer significant resistance. Tibet existed as Independent Nation with full control on its internal affairs even during times of Mongol and Manchu China Empires.
As such Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
THE CONVERSATION
As such Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
RAISING TIBET
April 28, 2016 11.30pm EDT
MIKE SANDIFORD Professor of Geology, University of Melbourne Disclosure statement: Mike Sandiford receives funding from the Australian Research Council for research into the tectonics of the Indo-Australian tectonic plate.
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It’s more than a little disconcerting to wake every hour or so, gasping for air, suffocating.
It happened to me during a field season in southern Tibet camped at about 5400 metres above sea level. With my normal sleep breathing patterns, I just couldn’t get enough oxygen. We were working in an area known as the Kampa dome, some 50 kilometres north of the border with India and about 150 kilometres east of Mount Everest.
As such Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
Crossing a pass into the Kampa dome, southern Tibet, elevation 5500 metres.
The Kampa dome is a sort of giant geological “blister”. The dome, which is about 25 kilometres across, comprises a core of rocks originating deep within the Tibetan crust now exposed beneath a carapace of much shallower rocks.
As such Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
Google Earth image of the Kampa dome in southern Tibet, viewed from the south-east. The dome rises to almost 6000 metres above sea level at its highest point. The lighter coloured rocks in the valleys in the core of the dome are granites and metamorphic rocks that have been forced up through a carapace of darker coloured and shallower sedimentary rocks, now exposed around the rim of the dome and along the ridge crests in its core. Image obtained from Google Earth – 29/04/2016
Kampa is just one of a number of domes distributed in a belt along the southern boundary of Tibet, not far north of the Himalaya. These domes attract the attention of geologists interested in what’s going on deep under Tibet and in the sequence of events that raised the plateau over the last 50 million years or so.
And that is not just of geological interest. The Tibetan plateau is so large, and so high, that it influences the global pattern of atmospheric circulation. So the raising of Tibet has had a profound impact on the evolution of the modern climate system. It is one of the elements in the transition from the green-house world of the dinosaur era to the ice-house world in which our own species has evolved.
Our work in Kampa was part of a broader program investigating the magnitude of the forces that drive tectonic plate motion. Amongst other things, getting a handle on those forces is important for understanding what limits the heights of our great mountain ranges such as the Himalaya.
The particular issue that motivated our interest in Kampa was the idea that weak rocks heated beneath Tibet were being, or had been, squeezed outwards to the south in a giant pincer movement by the ongoing convergence between the Indian and Asian plates. The idea that the rocks exposed in Kampa, as well as in the high Himalaya, are a kind of geological “toothpaste” is quite a departure from the conventional view that the mountain system has been created by stacking of thrust sheets one on top of the other.
One of the master faults lying above this purported channel of extruded rock is exposed high up in the face of Everest beneath a limestone that was deposited immediately prior to the raising of Tibet. The southern Tibetan domes make for rather easier and less dangerous field work than the face of Everest.
More than any other, mountain landscapes manifest the awesome power of our restless planet. In the rarefied atmosphere high up in the Kampa, the sense of awe was greatly magnified, especially with the Himalaya towering above the horizon.
The amount of energy involved in building these mountains, in lifting those 50 million year old limestones out of the sea to now sit high up the slopes of Everest, is simply mind-boggling, or so you would think.
To give you a sense, let’s calculate it.
Even though it involves some big numbers, the calculation is really quite trivial. We simply multiply the area of the plateau (about 2.5 million square kilometres ) by the work done against gravity. To lift a column of the crust one square metre in area by 4-5 kilometres takes about 4 trillion joules.
Harmonising units, and we get our estimate of the work done against gravity in raising Tibet – about 10 yottajoules (think “10” followed by 24 zeros). The trouble with big numbers such as these, and one reason they feel so daunting, is we have no natural reference frame to make comparisons.
So let’s compare it to the energy we humans consume to run our daily lives. We could ask how many years would it take to raise Tibet if we put all human energy consumption to work. In its Statistical review of world energy BP estimated the human primary energy consumption in 2015 at 550 exajoules (that is 550 followed by 18 zeros). At that rate, and neglecting inefficiencies, it would take about 20,000 years to raise Tibet.
While that’s a long time, it’s far less than the 50 million years that nature took to raise Tibet. In fact, the rate we consume energy is around 2000 times greater than the 10 gigawatt rate nature has been storing it in the raising of Tibet.
Here in Victoria, with a population at about 6 million, we consume electrical power at a rate of about 5 gigawatts. Making that electricity is only about 30% efficient, and so the burning of coal releases heat at a rate of about 15 gigawatts.
We use energy at a rate, quite literally, that could make mountains move. Now that is something I think really is mind-boggling.
Footnotes
We were guided in our work in the Kampa in 2004 by local herders. It’s hard to imagine more hardy folk. While communication from Tibetan to Chinese to English and back again meant many nuances were missed, it was a special experience. It seemed our guides hadn’t had much to do with westerners before, and we were quite a source of amusement for them. Indeed, it seemed to me there was a very real sense of fun in the way they went about their daily life on the top of world.
TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – GLOBAL WARMING – CLIMATE ACTION. TIBETAN NOMADS LIVE IN PERFECT HARMONY WITH NATURE LIVING ON LIVESTOCK-REARING. INDUSTRIAL POLLUTION IS THE CHIEF CULPRIT OF GLOBAL WARMING.
Our Tibetan guides in one of the glacial valleys high in the Kampa dome, southern Tibet.
A particular highlight was their invitation, on our arrival, to join for some authentic yak’s butter tea. At these heights with little oxygen, not much fuel and with everything just a little damp, cooking is challenging. Burning damp goat dung in the close environment of a yurt produces an awful lot of foul-smelling, acrid smoke, but not much heat. I didn’t much enjoy the taste of the rancid butter either. While the invitation to join with our Tibetan hosts in their summer home remains one of my most treasured experiences, it was with some personal relief that I declined a second “cuppa”, doubting I could hold any more down.
TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – GLOBAL WARMING – CLIMATE ACTION. GRASSLANDS FAIL TO THRIVE DUE TO WARMING AND LACK OF PRECIPITATION.
Enjoying yak butter tea inside our host’s yurt at over 5000 metres above sea level in Southern Tibet.
Despite it’s remoteness, this is a region in transition, for many reasons. One of my enduring memories of the Kampa is captured in the photo below, showing the alarming degradation of the thin soils that mantle these recently de-glaciated landscapes.
As such Tibet is not a part of China at any time in human history. There are two issues of primary concern; 1. Action of Natural Forces Raising Tibet, and 2. Red China’s use of Military Force to Occupy Tibet which demands Raising Tibet Awareness.
Like so many parts of the world, soil loss in the Tibetan plateau is an issue of critical importance. As this photograph dramatically illustrates, the thin soils that mantle the rocky, recently de-glaciated landscape in the Kampa appear to be degrading at a frightening pace . The story of what we are doing to soils on this planet is an issue of immense importance, for all people.
Raising Tibet – Raising Tibet Awareness. Tibet is Never Part of China. It is correct to state China is in Tibet as an Occupying Force.Raising Tibet – Raising Tibet Awareness. Red China’s Occupation of Tibet threatens World’s Water Supply. Tibet is Never Part of China.Raising Tibet – Raising Tibet Awareness. A view of Tibetan Plateau and Himalaya Mountain Range. Tibet is Never Part of China.Raising Tibet – Raising Tibet Awareness. Collision between Indian Landmass and Eurasia is raising Tibetan Plateau. A similar collision involving Force can evict Red China from Tibet.
TIBET AWARENESS – THE HISTORY OF UNREST IN TIBET. Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.
From 1947, both Tibet and India anticipated Trouble in Tibet while the Communists came into Power in mainland China forcing Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists to retreat to Formosa or Taiwan. During 1945 to 1949, Tibet was unwilling to fully embrace the offer of the US Friendship hoping Red China will respect Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism or Neutralism. Trouble in Tibet speaks of the lack of Intelligence capabilities; Tibet’s Trouble describes Tibet’s Intelligence failure; Tibet failed to know the Enemy’s Mind and it was a total Intelligence Disaster. For Tibet failed to provide the necessary Intelligence, the response of India and the United States was inadequate from the beginning of Tibet’s Trouble.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
The beginning of the Cold War in Asia in 1949 with the Communist takeover of mainland China.
THE NEW YORK TIMES
A WRITER’S QUEST TO UNEARTH THE ROOTS OF TIBET’S UNREST
SINOSPHERE
By LUO SILING AUG. 14, 2016
Tibet Awareness – The History of Tibet’s Unrest
On March 10, 1959, several thousand Tibetans, fearing that the Chinese might abduct the Dalai Lama, gathered at the Norbulingka summer palace to protect the Tibetan spiritual leader. Credit The Office of Tibet, Washington, D.C.
Generations of Chinese have been taught that the Tibetan people are grateful to China for having liberated them from feudalism and serfdom, and yet Tibetan protests, including self-immolations, continue to erupt against Chinese rule. In ‘TIBET IN AGONY: LHASA 1959’,to be published in October by Harvard University Press, the Chinese-born writer Jianglin Li explores the roots of Tibetan unrest in China’s occupation of Tibet in the 1950s, culminating in March 1959 with the Peoples Liberation Army’s shelling of Lhasa and the Dalai Lama’s flight to India. In an interview, she shared her findings.
You’ve drawn parallels between the killings in Lhasa in 1959 and the 1989 military crackdown on pro-democracy protests in Beijing.
China was better able to cover up its actions in Lhasa in 1959, before the advent of instantaneous global media coverage, but the two have much in common. In both, the Chinese Communists used military might to crush popular uprisings, and both involved egregious massacres of civilians. But for Tibetans, what sets the Lhasa massacre apart is their bitter sense of China as a foreign occupying power. The Tibetans were subjugated by force, and they are still protesting today.
What happened in 1959?
The crisis began on the morning of March 10, when thousands of Tibetans rallied around the Dalai Lama’s Norbulingka palace to prevent him from leaving. He had accepted an invitation to a theatrical performance at the People’s Liberation Army headquarters, but rumors that the Chinese were planning to abduct him set off general panic. Even after he canceled his excursion to mollify the demonstrators, they refused to leave and insisted on staying to guard his palace. The demonstrations included a strong outcry against Chinese rule, and China promptly labeled them an armed insurrection, warranting military action. About a week after the turmoil began, the Dalai Lama secretly escaped, and on March 20, Chinese troops began a concerted assault on Lhasa. After taking over the city in a matter of days, inflicting heavy casualties and damaging heritage sites, they moved quickly to consolidate control over all Tibet.
Why did the Dalai Lama flee to India?
Mainly he hoped to prevent a massacre. He thought the crowds around his palace would disperse once he left, robbing the Chinese of a pretext to attack. In fact, not even his departure could have prevented the blood bath that ensued, because Mao Zedong had already mobilized his troops for a final showdown in Tibet.
Jianglin Li Credit Ding Yifu
When the Dalai Lama left, he didn’t plan to go as far as India. He hoped to return to Lhasa after negotiating peace with the Chinese from the safety of the Tibetan hinterlands. But once he heard about the destruction in Lhasa several days into his journey he realized that plan was no longer feasible.
Why were the Tibetans afraid the Chinese would abduct the Dalai Lama?
For Tibetans, he is a sacred being, to be protected at all costs. He had traveled to Beijing to meet Mao in 1954 without setting off mass protests. By 1959, however, tensions had risen, and Tibetans had reason to fear the Chinese theater invitation might be a trap.
The trouble actually started in the Tibetan regions of nearby Chinese provinces Yunnan, Sichuan, Qinghai and Gansu, home to about 60 percent of the Tibetan population. When the Chinese Communists forced collectivization on these Tibetan nomads and farmers in the latter half of the 1950s, the results were catastrophic. Riots and rebellions spread like wildfire. The Communists responded with military force, and there were terrible massacres. Refugees streamed into Tibet, bringing their horror stories into Lhasa.
Some of the most frightening reports had to do with the disappearances of Tibetan leaders in Sichuan and Qinghai. It was party policy to try to pre-empt Tibetan rebellion by luring prominent Tibetans from their communities with invitations to banquets, shows or study classes from which many never returned. People in Lhasa thought the Dalai Lama could be next.
You’ve documented the massacres of Tibetans in the Chinese provinces in the late 1950s.
In 2012, I drove across Qinghai to a remote place an elderly Tibetan refugee in India had told me about: a ravine where a flood one year brought down a torrent of skeletons, clogging the Yellow River. From his description, I identified the location as Drongthil Gully, in the mountains of Tsolho Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. I had read in Chinese sources about major campaigns against Tibetans in that area in 1958 and 1959. About 10,000 Tibetans, entire families with their livestock had fled to the hills there to escape the Chinese. At Drongthil Gully, the Chinese deployed six ground regiments, including infantry, cavalry and artillery, and something the Tibetans had never heard of: aircraft with 100-kilogram bombs. The few Tibetans who were armed, the head of a nomad household normally carried a gun to protect his herds shot back, but they were no match for the Chinese, who recorded that more than 8,000 rebel bandits were annihilated, killed, wounded or captured in these campaigns.
I wondered about the skeletons until I saw the place for myself, and then it seemed entirely plausible. The river at the bottom of the ravine there flows into a relatively narrow section of the Yellow River. In desolate areas like this, Chinese troops were known to withdraw after a victory, leaving the ground littered with corpses.
Tibet Awareness – The History of Tibet’s Unrest.Credit Harvard University Press
The Tibetans in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai were already under nominal Chinese administration when the Communists took over in 1949. How was Tibet annexed?
It was Mao’s goal from the moment he came to power. Tibet is strategically located, he said in January 1950, and we must occupy it and transform it into a people’s democracy.
He started by sending troops to invade Tibet at Chamdo in October 1950, forcing the Tibetans to sign the 17-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet, which ceded Tibetan sovereignty to China. Next, the People’s Liberation Army marched into Lhasa in 1951, at the same time in disregard of the Chinese promise in the agreement to leave the Tibetan sociopolitical system intact smuggling an underground Communist Party cell into the city to build a party presence in Tibet.
Meanwhile, Mao was preparing his military and awaiting the right moment to strike. Our time has come, he declared in March 1959, seizing on the demonstrations in Lhasa. After conquering the city, China dissolved the Tibetan government and under the slogan of simultaneous battle and reform imposed the full Communist program throughout Tibet, culminating in the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region in 1965.
How did Mao prepare his military for Tibet?
Mao welcomed the campaigns to suppress minority uprisings within China’s borders as practice for war in Tibet. There were new weapons for his troops to master, to say nothing of the unfamiliar challenges of battle on the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau.
The new weapons included 10 Tupolev TU-4 bombers, which Stalin gave Mao in 1953. Mao tested them in airstrikes at three Tibetan monasteries in Sichuan, starting with Jamchen Choekhor Ling, in Lithang. On March 29, 1956, while thousands of Chinese troops fought Tibetans at the monastery, two of the new planes were deployed. The Tibetans saw giant birds approach and drop some strange objects, but they had no word for airplane, or for bomb. According to Chinese records, more than 2,000 Tibetans were annihilated in the battle, including civilians who had sought refuge in the monastery.
Tibet Awareness – The History of Tibet’s Unrest. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama met with Chairman Mao Zedong in 1954. Tibet failed to Know its Enemy. Intelligence Disaster.
The Dalai Lama meeting with Mao Zedong in Peking on Oct. 13, 1954. Credit Associated Press
Mao used his most seasoned troops in Tibet. Gen. Ding Sheng and his 54th Army, veterans of the Korean War, had gained experience suppressing minority uprisings in Qinghai and Gansu in 1958 before heading to Tibet in 1959.
How often was the Chinese military used against Tibetans, and how many Tibetan casualties were there?
We don’t have an exact tally of military encounters, since many went unrecorded. My best estimate based on official Chinese materials, public and classified, is about 15,000 in all Tibetan regions between 1956 and 1962.
Precise casualty figures are hard to come by, but according to a classified Chinese military document I found in a Hong Kong library, more than 456,000 Tibetans were annihilated from 1956 to 1962.
How does this history relate to recent Tibetan self-immolations?
I think they are a direct consequence. I’ve compared a map of the self-immolations with my map of Chinese crackdowns on Tibetans between 1956 and 1962, and there’s a striking correlation. Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.
How did you get interested in this?
Like everyone in China, I was raised on the party line. I never thought to question it until I came to the U.S. for graduate study in 1988 and discovered how differently people here think of Tibet.
Since 2007, I’ve been making annual research trips to Asia, where I have recorded interviews with hundreds of Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal, including the Dalai Lama and his brother. In 2012, I explored Tibetan historical sites in Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu and Yunnan and interviewed people there. I crosscheck what I learn in the field with written data: official annals of the Tibetan regions, Chinese documents, and Tibetan and Chinese memoirs.
How has the Chinese government responded to your work?
The only official response to my books has been to ban them, but I’ve been denied a visa since my trip to sensitive Tibetan regions in 2012. This has been painful because my 84-year-old mother still lives in China.
Insight, analysis and conversation about Chinese culture, media and politics.
FILE – In this May 2, 1949 file photo, a column of Chinese Communist light tanks enter the streets of Peking, which are filled with people watching the conquerors pass. In 1949, Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists lost the Chinese civil war to Mao Zedong’s Communists and retreat from the Chinese mainland to the island of Taiwan. The Republic of China, however, retained China’s Security Council seat with the key backing of the U.S. in order to restrain Mao’s ally, the Soviet Union, as the Cold War unfolds. (AP Photo, File)TIBET AWARENESS – THE HISTORY OF TIBET’S UNREST. LHASA, MARCH 10, 1959.TIBET AWARENESS – THE HISTORY OF TIBET’S UNREST. POTALA PALACE, LHASA, TIBET.TIBET AWARENESS – HISTORY OF TIBET’S UNREST – TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING DAY, MARCH 10, 1959.Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.Tibet Awareness – History of Tibet’s Unrest. Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.Most of the self-immolations and the worst cases of historical repression are in the same spots in the Tibetan provinces near China.
The Institution of Dalai Lama Represents the Political Rights of Tibetans to Self-Governance
The Institution of Dalai Lama stands for the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet which represents political rights of Tibetans for Self-Governance. The Seal that represents The Institution of Dalai Lama does not include the image of any of the Dalai Lama’s that ruled over Tibet for centuries.
In my analysis, ‘Institution of Dalai Lama’ remains relevant to Tibetans in Occupied Tibet. The Institution of Dalai Lama represents The Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet, the political symbol of Tibetan Rights to Self-Governance. The Seal that represents the Institution of Dalai Lama does not include the image of any of the Dalai Lamas that ruled over Tibet for centuries.
Dalai Lama Says, ‘Institution of Dalai Lama’ No More Politically Relevant
Whole Ruler – Dalai Lama Represents the Political Rights of Tibetans
PANAJI: Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama on Wednesday said the “institution of Dalai Lama” is no longer politically relevant and it was up to the people of Tibet to decide whether the age-old tradition should continue or not.
He said the Chinese government was more concerned about this institution than him for political reasons.
Dalai Lama is a title given to spiritual leaders of Tibetan people. This title is given to those who are considered among the most important monks of the Gelug school, the newest school of Tibetan Buddhism.
Addressing an event at the Goa Institute of Management, the 14th Dalai Lama said, “As early as in 1969, I had formally made a statement whether this very institution of Dalai Lama should continue or not, it is up to the Tibetan people to decide.”
Replying to students’ queries after an hour-long address, he said, “I have no concerns. Nowadays, the Chinese government is more concerned about the Dalai Lama institution than me. The Chinese government is concerned because of political reasons,”
During the 1959 Tibetan uprising, the Dalai Lama had fled to India.
He said in 2001, the elected political leadership was appointed (by the people in exile) and for the next 10 years, he remained in semi-retired position. “Then in 2011, I totally retired from the political responsibility. Now, the elected political leadership carries the full responsibility, I don’t get involved in their decision,” he said.
“Now, no longer Dalai Lama institution is politically relevant,” the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize winner said. About the future Dalai Lama, he said all leaders of different Buddhist traditions hold a meeting in Tibet every year in November.
“This November, we are meeting again. In the previous meetings, they had decided that when my age reaches around 90 years, then the group of leaders will decide about the future Dalai Lama,” the 83-year-old spiritual leader said. When asked about his own selection to the chair, Lama recalled, “According to my mother, the very day when the search party set by the Tibetan government reached my place… That very day our family was completely ignorant.” “But that very day, I was a 2-3-year-old boy… I was so much excited. I myself don’t know why… The search party got some indications that day. When they reached our house, I ran towards them and recognized each persons’ name,” he said. “At that time, I had some sort of some memory about past life,” the Dalai Lama said.
Institution of Dalai Lama Represents the Political Rights of Tibetans to Self-Governance
Tibet Awareness – Tibetan System of Governance is an integral feature of Tibetan Buddhism
TIBET AWARENESS – THE NATURE OF TIBETAN GOVERNANCE. DALAI LAMA IS THE SUPREME RULER OF TIBET. THIS PHOTO DATED 22 FEBRUARY 1940 EXPLAINS THE NEED TO STUDY TIBETAN BUDDHISM AS A POLITICAL SCIENCE.On bhavanajagat.com
Professor Donald S. Lopez, the Arthur E. Link Distinguished University Professor of Buddhist and Tibetan studies at the University of Michigan published several books on Buddhism and teaches it as religion and as a philosophical doctrine.
TIBET AWARENESS – I ASK PROFESSOR DONALD S. LOPEZ AND OTHERS WHO TEACH TIBETAN BUDDHISM TO EXPLAIN THE NATURE OF TIBETAN GOVERNANCE AND TIBET’S POLITICAL INSTITUTION CALLED GANDEN PHODRANG GOVERNMENT OF TIBET. TIBETAN BUDDHISM IS POLITICAL SCIENCE.
I ask Professor Lopez and all other teachers of Tibetan studies to emphasize the nature of Tibetan governance and as to how Tibetan Buddhism evolved into a political system giving Tibetans a cultural tool to choose the Head of State, the Supreme Ruler of Tibet and the political institution called the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet, the political Institution of Dalai Lama. Tibetan Buddhism is a Political Science for it has established the rules for choosing a political official who governs the State and administers justice, and this System of Governance existed for nearly four centuries until Communist China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950.
Tibetan Buddhism evolved into a political system giving Tibetans a cultural tool to choose the Head of State, the Supreme Ruler of Tibet and the political institution called the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet, the political Institution of Dalai Lama. Tibetan Buddhism is a Political Science for it has established the rules for choosing a political official who governs the State and administers justice, and this System of Governance existed for nearly four centuries until Communist China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
Religion department hosts Buddhist scholar for lecture series
Aryanna Duhl, Staff Writer 9:31 a.m. EDT March 30, 2016
Tibetan Buddhism is Political Science, a System of Governance that existed for nearly four centuries until Communist China’s military occupation of Tibet in 1950.
Professor Donald S. Lopez of the University of Michigan gave two lectures as part of the Department of Religion’s 15th annual Tessa J. Bartholomuesz Lecture Series and the department’s 50th Annviersary Celebration. (Photo: James Papastavros/FSView)
“He’s like the Stephen King of Buddhist studies,” said Dr. Bryan J. Cuevas as he presented the featured speaker of the Department of Religion’s 15th annual Tessa J. Bartholomuesz Lecture Series. Professor Donald S. Lopez, the Arthur E. Link Distinguished University Professor of Buddhist and Tibetan Studies at the University of Michigan, gave two lectures, which were also a part of the Department of Religion’s 50th Anniversary celebration.
In his first presentation, “Dispatches from Nirvana: 45 Years of Buddhist Studies,” Lopez spoke first about how he came to study Buddhism. He explained that during the Vietnam War, he became disenchanted with Western thought, turning to “Eastern mysticism.”
Before his position at the University of Michigan, Lopez taught at Middlebury College in Vermont, where he was one of four religion professors, and the only one studying Eastern religions. He taught a variety of subjects, including Daoism, Confucianism and Buddhism. He then moved to Michigan, where he is one of three Buddhism scholars.
Professor Lopez has written many books on Buddhism, but spoke the most on authoring anthologies, where he attempts to question the “classics” of Buddhist literature. He estimated that only 10% of available Tibetan works have actually been studied, and attributed this to the previous lack of scholars who spoke the language. “Language foundation is crucial” to the study of religions, Lopez stressed. He clarified that when scholars don’t understand the language and culture of a religious people, they must rely only on the texts that the people have always deemed the “classics” and are therefore unable to explore others.
In his second lecture, “Christian vs. Buddhist: The Battle for the Soul of Tibet,” Lopez described the missions of Ippoito Desideri, an Italian Jesuit missionary in Tibet in the 1700s who was the first European to have studied and understood the Tibetan language and culture.
With this understanding, Desideri used the same rhetoric of the Tibetan texts to try to convince the Buddhist monks to convert to Catholicism. According to Lopez, as Desideri learned about Tibetan religion, he found that “what the Buddhists were studying was philosophy.”
This idea of Buddhism as philosophy is something that Lopez also discussed in his first lecture, sharing his hope that Buddhist studies would find its way into the Philosophy department of universities. Lopez claimed that, “when we consider a religious text to be the work of the divine,” we diminish what scholars can think about it.
He accredits the slow development of scholarship in Buddhist studies to the “delayed reaction moving away from the idea that these [Buddhist] texts were only religious doctrine,” and that once “liberated from the sacrality of the text,” scholars can study it as creative poetry.
There is still a lot of examination to be done of Buddhist thought, in attempting to fully understanding the culture as well as answering some of the most difficult philosophical questions. Though there will likely be many generations of scholars searching for answers to questions such as, “When was the Buddha born, and when did he die?” or even, “Does God exist?” Professor Lopez is proud of how far the issues of Buddhism have come.
“We are now in the golden age of Buddhist studies,” he said
I ask Professor Lopez and all other teachers of Tibetan studies to emphasize the nature of Tibetan governance and as to how Tibetan Buddhism evolved into a political system giving Tibetans a cultural tool to choose the Head of State, the Supreme Ruler of Tibet and the political institution called the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet, the political Institution of Dalai Lama.I ask Professor Lopez and all other teachers of Tibetan studies to emphasize the nature of Tibetan governance and as to how Tibetan Buddhism evolved into a political system giving Tibetans a cultural tool to choose the Head of State, the Supreme Ruler of Tibet and the political institution called the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet, the political Institution of Dalai Lama.
While living in Sikkim, the 13th Dalai Lama directed attacks on Chinese forces in Lhasa forcing them to leave Tibet. He returned to Lhasa and took advantage of the downfall of Qing Dynasty in China. On February 13, 1913, Tibet declared Full Independence.
In 1910, Ch’ing or Qing China dispatched a military expedition to attack Lhasa to arrest the Great 13th Dalai Lama’s aspirations for Tibet’s Independence. He escaped to India. While living in Sikkim, the 13th Dalai Lama directed attacks on Chinese forces in Lhasa forcing them to leave Tibet. He returned to Lhasa and took advantage of the downfall of Qing Dynasty in China. On February 13, 1913, Tibet declared Full Independence.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
tibet equilibrium sikkim gateway to tibet
the evil red empire map of tibet
MAJOR GENERAL SHERU THAPLIYAL’S ACCOUNT OF INDO-CHINESE CLASHES IN 1967.
While living in Sikkim, the 13th Dalai Lama directed attacks on Chinese forces in Lhasa forcing them to leave Tibet. He returned to Lhasa and took advantage of the downfall of Qing Dynasty in China. On February 13, 1913, Tibet declared Full Independence.
Indian and Chinese Armies clashed alongside Sikkim Tibet border on 11–14 September 1967 at Nathu La & 1 October 1967 at Cho La. Indian Army beat the Chinese badly with heavy casualties to Chinese and established strong control over Nathu La and Cho La. The Chinese were driven back 3km at Cho La.
Following is an account of Maj. Gen Sheru Thapliyal, (Retd.) who commanded the Nathu La brigade and an Infantry division in the Ladakh sector..
After the debacle of 1962, nothing could have enhanced the self esteem of the Indian Army than the mauling that was given to the Chinese at Nathu La in Sikkim on 11th September 1967 and at Chola on 1st October 1967. It must have come as a rude shock to the Chinese Army and also its political leadership. And by a happy coincidence, the Indian Army leadership which got the better of this eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation was the same that went on to create Bangladesh in 1971. Maj Gen Sagat Singh was GOC Mountain Division in Sikkim, Lt Gen Jagjit Aurora was the Corps Commander and Sam Manekshaw was the Eastern Army Commander.
I too served in Nathu La. After finishing my young officer’s course, it was on 21 July 1967 that I reported to my Unit, a mule pack artillery regiment in Sikkim. Those days young officers were made to have their professional mailing by sending them on long-range patrols (LRP) for area familiarisation, take part in khad race to increase their stamina and sending them to remote observations ports on Sikkim-Tibet border for a month. Having done my share of LRPs and having taken part in the khad race, I was sent to the main Sabu La observation post on the Sikkim-Tibet Border. This observation post is about a kilometre south-west of Nathu La. It dominates Nathu La by virtue of taking on higher ground and commands an excellent view of the pass as also the Chinese defense on the feature known as North shoulder. There were two observation posts at Sabu La and had a good old radio set 62 and PRC-10 and of course line communications to the guns deployed in the rear.
Nathu La at 14200 feet is an important pass on the Tibet-Sikkim border through which passes the old Gangtok-Yatung-Lhasa Trade Route. Although the Sikkim-Tibet boundary is well defined by the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 17 March 1890, the Chinese were not comfortable with Sikkim being an Indian protectorate with the deployment of the Indian Army at that time. During the 1965 War between India and Pakistan, the Chinese gave an ultimatum to India to vacate both Nathu La and Jelep La passes on the Sikkim-Tibet border. For some strange reason, the Mountain Division, under whose jurisdiction Jelep La was at that time, vacated the pass. It remains under Chinese possession till date. However, Lt. Gen Sagat Singh, true to form, refused to vacate Nathu La. Incidentally it is at Nathu La where Chinese and Indian forces are deployed barely thirty yards apart, closest anywhere on the 4000 km Sino-Indian border and the border remains undemarcated. Chinese hold the northern shoulder of the pass while Indian Army holds the southern shoulder. Two dominating features south and north of Nathu La namely Sebu La and Camel’s back were held by the Indians. Artillery observation post officers deployed on these two features have an excellent observation into Chinese depth areas whereas from Northern shoulder, Chinese have very little observations into Indian depth areas. This factor proved crucial in the clash that ensued. At the time of the clash, 2 Grenadiers was holding Nathu La. This battalion was under the command of Lt Col (Later Brigadier) Rai Singh. The battalion was under the Mountain Brigade being commanded by Brig MMS Bakshi, MVC.
The daily routine at Nathu La used to start with patrolling by both sides along the perceived border which almost always resulted in arguments. The only one on the Chinese side who could converse in broken English was the Political Commissar who could be recognised by a red patch on his cap. Sentries of both the forces used to stand barely one meter apart in the centre of the Pass which is marked by Nehru Stone, commemorating Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s trek to Bhutan through Nathu La and Chumbi Valley in 1959. Argument between the two sides soon changed to pushing and shoving and on 6 September 1967 a scuffle took place in which Political Commissar fell down and broke his spectacles. These incidents only added to the excitement. I developed excellent rapport with Capt Dagar of 2 Grenadiers and a few days before the clash we had gone to Gangtok together on “liberty” to see a movie. Little did I know that within a week, Dagar would be a martyr.
In order to de-escalate the situation it was decided by the Indian military hierarchy to lay a wire in the centre of the Pass from Nathu La to Sebu La to demarcate the perceived border. This task was to be carried out by the jawans of 70 Field Company of Engineers assisted by a company of 18 Rajput deployed at Yak La pass further north of Nathu La. The wire laying was to commence at first light on the fateful morning of 11 September 1967.
That morning dawned bright and sunny unlike the normal foggy days. The engineers and jawans started erecting long iron pickets from Nathu La to Sebu La along the perceived border while 2 Grenadiers and Artillery Observation Post Officers at Sebu La and Camel’s Back were on alert. Immediately the Chinese Political Commissar, with a section of Infantry came to the centre of the Pass where Lt. Col Rai Singh, CO 2 Grenadiers was standing with his commando platoon. The Commissar asked Lt Col Rai Singh to stop laying the wire. Orders to the Indian Army were clear. They were not to blink. An argument started which soon built up into a scuffle. In the ensuing melee, the commissar got roughed up. Thereafter the Chinese went up back to their bunkers and engineers resumed laying the wire.
Within a few minutes of this, a whistle was heard on the Chinese side followed by murderous medium machine gun fire from north shoulder. The pass is completely devoid of cover and the jawans of 70 Field Company and 18 Rajput were caught in the open and suffered heavy casualties which included Col Rai Singh who was wounded. He was awarded MVC later. Two brave officers – Capt Dagar of 2 Grenadiers and Major Harbhajan Singh of 18 Rajput rallied a few troops and tried to assault the Chinese MMG but both died a heroic death. They were posthumously awarded Vir Chakra and MVC respectively. 2 Grenadier opened small arms fire on North shoulder but it was not very effective. Within the first ten minutes, there were nearly seventy dead and scores wounded lying in the open on the pass. Within half an hour, Chinese artillery opened up on the pass as well as in the depth areas but it was mostly prophylactic fire due to lack of observation and failed to do much damage. Meanwhile we as artillery observation post officers asked for artillery fire, permission for which came a little later. Because of excellent domination and observation from Sebu La and Camel’s back, artillery fire was most effective and most of the Chinese bunkers on North shoulder and in depth were completely destroyed and Chinese suffered very heavy casualties which by their own estimates were over 400. The artillery duel thereafter carried on day and night. For the next three days, the Chinese were taught a lesson. On 14 September, Chinese threatened use of Air Force if shelling did not stop. By then the lesson had been driven home and an uneasy ceasefire came about. The Chinese, true to form, had pulled over dead bodies to their side of the perceived border at night and accused us of violating the border. Dead bodies were exchanged on 15 September at which time: Sam Manekshaw, Aurora and Sagat were present on the Pass.
Every battle has its own share of heroism, faint heartedness, drama and humour. The Nathu La skirmish was no exception. 2 Grenadiers were initially shaken up due to the loss of Capt Dagar and injury to their CO but found their man of the moment in Lieutenant Atar Singh who went round from trench to trench to rally the troops and was later promoted as Captain on the spot. On the lighter side was one artillery observation post officer, my colleague at Sebu La whose radio set was damaged due to shelling and he was out of communication with his guns. He rightly decided to go back to the base at Sherathang in the depth to get another radio set. While he was on his way back, Commander Artillery Brigade was coming up. He stopped the young captain, accused him of running away from the battle and sent him back after reducing him to his substantive rank of a second lieutenant. Casualties could not be evacuated for three days and nights as any move to do so invited a hail of Chinese bullets. Some wounded may well have succumbed to cold and rain. There were awards for bravery as also court martial for cowardice. However, what stood out was the steadfastness of the commanders and bravery of the jawans and junior officers. Indians refused to blink and the mighty Chinese dragon was made to look ordinary.
The situation again flared up twenty days later when on 1 October 1967 a face-off between India and China took place at Cho La, another pass on the Sikkim-Tibet border a few kilometers north of Nathu La. Despite initial casualties, 7/11 GR and 10 JAK RIF stood firm and forced the Chinese to withdraw nearly three kilometers away to a feature named Kam Barracks where they remain deployed till date. Cho La Pass is firmly in Indian hands. Indian Army had got better of the Chinese yet again.
No wonder, Sino-Indian border has remained peaceful ever since to the extent that today Chinese soldiers come and ask their Indian counterparts at Nathu La for cigarettes, rum and tea, mail is exchanged twice in a week in a hut constructed specially for this purpose and border personnel meeting takes place there twice a year. It was my privilege to command the Nathu La Brigade many years later and conduct the first border personnel meeting at Nathu La is 1995.
Tibet is a fascinating place with equally fascinating people. The following tribute to musician David Bowie (January 08, 1947 to January 10, 2016) captures an interesting facet of this artist.
Tibet is a fascinating place with equally fascinating people. The following tribute to musician David Bowie (January 08, 1947 to January 10, 2016) captures an interesting facet of this artist.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
PATHEOS
David Bowie’s fascination with Tibet and Buddhism
January 11, 2016 by JUSTIN WHITAKER
With the very sad passing of the great David Bowie, tributes have poured in from around the world. Bowie, as the NYTimes writes, “Transcended Music, Art and Fashion.” Among them a number have noted his youthful connections with Buddhism, which was growing in popularity in the England of the 1960s. Of particular interest is an in-depth blog dedicated to the songs of Bowie, aptly named “Pushing Ahead of the Dame: David Bowie, song by song.” In one post there, the author, Chris O’Leary, recounts Bowie’s early fascination with the Tibet and Buddhism of Heinrich Harrer’s 1952 book “Seven Years In Tibet”:
David Bowie discovered Buddhism in his early teens, thanks to his step-brother Terry’s beatnik leanings, the novels of Jack Kerouac and a few Penguin paperbacks that gave him the basic schematics of the religion. It was Harrer’s book that set him a-boil: “When I was about nineteen I became an overnight Buddhist,” he recalled in 1997. “At that age a very influential book for me was called “Seven Years In Tibet”…[Harrer] was one of the very first Westerners to ever spend any time in Tibet; in fact, one of the very first Westerners actually to go into Tibet and discover for himself this extraordinary existence and this incredibly sublime philosophy.” “Silly Boy Blue,” Bowie’s first Buddhist song, was inspired by Harrer’s descriptions of Lhasa and the Dalai Lama’s winter palace of Potala, the song opening with the yak-butter statues made for celebration days. – Pushing Ahead of the Dame | Seven Years in Tibet
Rod Meade Sperry at Lion’s Roar writes that Bowie nearly became a Buddhist at Samye Ling, the monastery of up-and-coming “Crazy Wisdom” guru Chögyam Trungpa Rinpoche, in Scotland in 1967: “I was within a month of having my head shaved, taking my vows, and becoming a monk,” Bowie has said about that period of his life. But, as the story goes, he was torn and so sought Trungpa’s counsel. His reply to the famous young seeker? That he should remain a musician, for that was how he could be of the most benefit.
Writing for the Guardian in 2013, Sean O’Hagen casts doubt on how influential Buddhism was on the young Bowie:
In the mid to late 1960s, he immersed himself deeply, but often briefly, in whatever caught his imagination, whether Buddhism – he went on a retreat to a Buddhist community in Scotland in 1967 – or mime – studying seriously under Lindsay Kemp, his first artistic mentor.
Aligned to all this cosmic adventurism, though, was his oddly old-fashioned attraction to showbusiness, vaudeville and musicals. As the pop-culture historian Jon Savage points out, Bowie’s eponymously titled debut album, released in 1967, is “almost defiant in the way that it contains almost no trace of contemporary pop modes. Despite Bowie’s deep interest in Buddhism, he had no sympathy with the hippy package: the record was a strange mixture of exaggerated, cockney vocals – inspired both by Anthony Newley and Syd Barrett – intricate arrangements and songs that constantly shifted tone and mood, from horror to farce, from Edwardiana to fairytales and back again.”
At the Hollowverse, Tom Kershaw writes that:
Like so many aspects of this man, Bowie is difficult to pin down–even to himself. By his own account, he’s tried about every religion in the book, saying:
I was young, fancy free, and Tibetan Buddhism appealed to me at that time. I thought, ‘There’s salvation.’ It didn’t really work. Then I went through Nietzsche, Satanism, Christianity… pottery, and ended up singing. It’s been a long road.
But in his advanced years, Bowie’s real spiritual views have come out. He said:
I’m not quite an atheist and it worries me. There’s that little bit that holds on: Well, I’m almost an atheist. Give me a couple of months. [in 2003]
The Hollowverse | The religion and political views of David Bowie
However, returning once more to “Pushing Ahead of the Dame” we find it argued that Buddhism was indeed an influence on early Bowie songs. There O’Leary writes that Bowie “meant for the backing chorus of his [1965] single “Baby Loves That Way” to sound like chanting monks.” Have a listen: And his 1967 “Silly Boy Blue” tells the story of a rule-breaking boy in the streets of Tibet’s capital city Lhasa:
Though some of his colleagues and friends in the late Sixties considered Bowie’s Buddhist leanings to be hip affectations, others saw a more fervent side of him. The journalist George Tremlett and Bowie’s housemate/lover Mary Finnigan attested that Bowie was serious about Buddhism, speaking to them for hours about it. Whether he truly meant to join a Tibetan Buddhist monastery in Scotland, which he visited in late 1967, is very questionable. What’s not is that the symbols of Buddhism, its sutras, its concepts like reincarnation (see “Quicksand”), the Oversoul and astral projection (see “Did You Ever Have a Dream“), were essential to Bowie’s growth as a songwriter. Buddhism gave him a reservoir of imagery to use: it gave him a spiritual scaffolding. Pushing Ahead of the Dame | Seven Years in Tibet
The Chinese invasion and occupation of Tibet further spurred Bowie’s interest in and sympathy for Tibetan Buddhism.
When you’re kind of young and idealist we were protesting the invasion of Tibet by China. And thirty years later they’re still there. Nothing has really moved. And more than anything else it was the lectures that the Dalai Lama has been doing over the last couple of years that really prodded me a bit. Made me feel quite guilty that I’ve known about this situation quite well and quite intimately for many, many years—that I hadn’t actually come out and made my stance on what I feel about it. So I guess that song [Seven Years in Tibet, below] in a way was to make some kind of amends. Bowie, radio interview, 1997. [from Pushing Ahead of the Dame | Seven Years in Tibet]
In that year he released the very dark “Seven Years in Tibet” with lyrics including: ‘Are you OK? | You’ve been shot in the head | And I’m holding your brains,’ | The old woman said…
Speaking of the song, Bowie noted:
The subtext of the song is really some of the desperation and agony felt by young Tibetans who have had their families killed and themselves have been reduced to mere ciphers in their own country. Bowie, 1997. [from Pushing Ahead of the Dame | Seven Years in Tibet]
A figure sitting cross-legged on the floor he’s clogged and clothed in saffron robes His beads are all he owns Slow down, slow down Someone must have said that slow him down Slow down, slow down It’s pictured on the arms of the karma man Karma Man (1967)
R.I.P. David Bowie (January 8, 1947 – Jan 10, 2016)
Copyright 2008-2015, Patheos. All rights reserved.
Tibet is a fascinating place with equally fascinating people. The following tribute to musician David Bowie (January 08, 1947 to January 10, 2016) captures an interesting facet of this artist.
The Institution of Dalai Lama is important to preserve Tibetan Political Identity. The Government of Tibet is represented by this Seal of Ganden Phodrang. The Seal represents the Spirit of Tibetan Nation that governs Tibet.The Institution of Dalai Lama is important to preserve Tibetan Political Identity. The Government of Tibet is represented by this Seal of Ganden Phodrang. The Seal represents the Spirit of Tibetan Nation that governs Tibet.
A Turning Point in the History of Tibet
A historical occasion: The Separation of Church and State: The Separation of Spiritual and Temporal Powers of the Dalai Lama.
The institution of Dalai Lama or Gaden Phodrang dates back to 1642 when the Great 5th Dalai Lama assumed Tibet’s political leadership role. The 3rd Dalai Lama while on a visit to the Mongol Chief Altan Khan, received from that ruler the honorific title “TA-LE” which got anglicized as “DALAI”, the Mongolian equivalent of the Tibetan “RGYA-MTSHO” meaning “Ocean”. Tibet existed in a serene and unperturbed state for several centuries until October 1950 when Communist China’s People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibetan soil. Tenzin Gyatso, the present 14th Dalai Lama fled from Tibet following the failed Tibetan National Uprising in 1959.
52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising – March 10, 2011 :
The 14th Dalai Lama has voluntarily relinquished his political powers. The Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile must derive its power from The Constitution of Tibet. The power of the people of Tibet must be now vested in the Constitution of Tibet. Amendments in Charter of Tibetans in Exile to pass political authority to an elected leadership would not suffice.
March 10, 2011 could be marked as a historical moment in the long history of Tibet. The 14th Dalai Lama had issued a statement to voluntarily relinquish his political leadership role. The Dalai Lama formally communicated his decision to the 15th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile on March 14, 2011. He has recommended a democratic system of governance for the Tibetan polity. He has recommended Amendments in Charter of Tibetans in Exile to pass political authority to an elected leadership.
The Separation of Temporal and Spiritual Powers:
The Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile must derive its authority and power from the Constitution of Tibet. Amendments in Charter of Tibetans-in-Exile will not help this transition of political power from the Dalai Lama to the people of Tibet.
I welcome this statement from the 14th Dalai Lama seeking the separation of temporal and spiritual powers from the Institution of Dalai Lama or Gaden Phodrang. The Dalai Lama Institution will continue to exist and the Dalai Lama continues as the Spiritual Leader of the people of Tibet. The Living Tibetan Spirits tell me that they would accept this decision made by the 14th Dalai Lama. Now, the people of Tibet need to derive their rights from a duly established Constitution of Tibet, a written document that states the fundamental laws and the principles of governance for Tibetan people. The Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile must derive its authority and power from the Constitution of Tibet. Amendments in Charter of Tibetans-in-Exile will not help this transition of political power from the Dalai Lama to the people of Tibet. The Tibetan community in Exile must draft the Constitution of Tibet and get it ratified by all people of Tibetan origin and Tibetans inside Tibet should be given an opportunity to ratify this Constitution of Tibet at a later date when the foreign occupier of Tibet is evicted from the Land of Tibet. Tibetans are not seeking separation from China. Tibet is not a part of China and the Problem of Tibet is its military occupation. Special Frontier Force is a multinational defense plan that aims to establish freedom and democracy in the Land of Tibet.
Rudra Narasimham, Rebbapragada,
Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104-4162
How Does the Dalai Lama Change the Tibet Question?
By Bhaskar Roy
Although the 14th Dalai Lama has been talking about stepping down from the leadership of the Tibetan Government in Exile for some time, his final decision announced on March 10, did shock his people to an extent, and posed big question mark to the world at large. The effect has not fully sunk in yet. It will, when the new Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister) is elected on March 20 by the All Tibetan People’s Deputies (ATPD), which gathered in Dharamsala from March 14.
It is to be noted that the Dalai Lama chose March 10, the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan peaceful uprising against the Chinese. Some may interpret this as the Dalai Lama’s decision to give up his peaceful struggle for the autonomy of Tibet within the Chinese constitution. This is not correct, though the outgoing Kalon Tripa, Prof. Samdong Rimpoche was dismayed that the way the Dalai Lama was received around the world was unique, and his political successor may not achieve such status.
While that is true, one needs to carefully study his March 10 statement. The 76-year-old religious leader revered all over the world said his desire to devolve authority had nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It would benefit the Tibetans in the long run, and that he was committed to playing his part in the just cause for Tibet. The Dalai Lama made it clear that the Tibet cause and the Tibetan people would remain his highest consideration. He would be available for consultations and advice. He would be travelling the globe where he is welcome, meet the world’s leaders both political and religious but as a monk reminding the world that Tibetan Buddhism, language and culture was on the verge of extinction in China controlled Tibet. As a religious leader, these activities are well within his bound. Although the Chinese leaders and officials will continue to attack him, they would risk doing so without legitimate basis.
Within hours of the Dalai Lama’s announcement, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu said “He has talked often about retirement in the past few years”’ adding these were “tricks to deceive the international community”. This was brave face but other official statements do not effuse a lot of confidence.
Tibet’s Communist Party Secretary Zhang Qingli, used insulting language describing the Dalai Lama as a “wolf in monk’s robes”, and again charged him for trying to “split” China. But ethnic Tibetan leaders of Tibet were a little more circumspect. Qiangba Puncog, Chairman of the Standing Committee of Tibet autonomous region’s people’s congress commented that he could not deny that the Dalai Lama, as Living Buddha and a religious leader did have some influence on his believers, and his death would have “ some minor impact on Tibet”. Padma Choling, Chairman of the Tibet autonomous regional government went even further. He told the official China Daily that the reincarnation of the institutions of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama have been carried on for several hundred years, these historical institutions and religious rituals of Tibetan Buddhism must be respected, and it was not up to anyone to abolish the reincarnation institutions.
It must be said that both the ethnic Tibetan leaders, though sworn to protect the party and government, allowed a glimpse into their inner thinking. They made it clear that while they were committed to perform their official duties, they do not condone insult of the Dalai Lama and do not contribute to the Chinese government’s policy appointing their own Living Buddhas especially the Dalai Lamas and the Panchen Lamas. This mind-set will play a significant role in the future politics in Tibet.
The Dalai Lama’s decision to devote his political responsibility was deeply thought over for several years. He is also similarly thinking whether he should leave the directions for the search of the 15th Dalai Lama after his death, and who should be appointed with the responsibility for the search. There could be problems like the search for the 17th Gyalwa Karmapa of the Karma-Kargyu sect, where the four regents fought and there is now more than one claimant to the 17th Karmapa’s throne. The Chinese would get into the fray as they did in the case of the 17 Karmapa, and declare their own 15th Dalai Lama. The gap between the 14th Dalai Lama’s death and finding the real successor will be very crucial. Hence a purely political set up to fill this gap would be very important. If need be, only the political leadership would continue with the Tibetan agenda.
There is also the question of Ughen Thinley Dorjee (UTD), the most talked about 17th Karmapa, though Thaye Dorjee, then other claimant has also significant following among the Karma-Kargyu community both inside and outside Tibet. Both have following among foreigners in the West and South East Asia. This is a very difficult problem. The Dalai Lama would have to resolve it in some manner.
The Indian government is hardly in any position to intervene in and resolve the 17th Karma dispute. It has taken the only sensible step it could. The seat of the Karma-Kargyu sect, Rumtek monastery in Sikkim, has been locked in the interest of peace till the real 17th Karmapa is agreed to by all concerned. India has been keeping away any kind of Tibetan politics including against China, and the Chinese acknowledge that officially.
Ughen Thinley Dorjee is recognized by both the Chinese and the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama played no direct role in the UTD case. He only accorded his recognition in 1992 while he was in Rio de Janero, when Tai Situ Rimpoche, the Regent promoting UTD, told him over telephone that UTD was recognized by all the Rumtek Regents as a consensus.
Sections of the Indian media created a mess recently when they called UTD a Chinese “spy” over unaccounted foreign currency found at his monastery. The confusion was due to the fact that UTD’s office failed to follow the process to legalize the donation from his followers the world over including from China.
There has been a lingering doubt about UTD and his loyalty especially because the manner by which escaped from Lhasa to India over five days and four nights without being detected by the Chinese security. Further, the Chinese government never criticised him, nor has UTD stood up vocally for the aspirations of the Tibetans. He is, therefore, not yet a candidate to take the Dalai Lama’s place as a religious or political leader of the Tibetans. UTD will have to prove his position one way or the other. He is 24-year-old, and the Dalai Lama demonstrated his religious and political leadership at a younger age.
What is moot, however, is how the new structure in Dharamsala will impact the main support bases of the Dalai Lama and the issue of human rights in Tibet. The mainstay has been the US especially the White House. The Dalai Lama has significant support in Europe, but not always steady. There are Japan, Taiwan and Australia. But the Chinese have used their economic muscle to buy out the western human rights critics. Nevertheless, the instrument of pressure on China are very much there and could be turned on and off depending on China’s political and strategic behaviour.
There will be quite some challenges for the Tibetan movement in the initial stages. But eventually the move can work out right. The Dalai Lama would have more time to concentrate on religious groups in the USA and Europe who have significant political influence and are livid with Beijing’s religious persecution. The fires can be stoked. And such fire can easily spread to China’s western region of Xinjiang which witnessed bloody anti-Han riots by Muslim Uighurs in July 2009. That region remains restive.
The political Tibetan government in-exile would have a much freer hand. They are not expected to foment unrest inside Tibet. They are wise enough to know that just simple unrest cannot stand up to the Chinese security forces and the army. But the people inside Tibet do not need orders from outside. Most of these are coming to an understanding they are losers any way, and will keep opposing the Chinese regime.
The political leadership of the Tibetan government in exile, though not recognised officially by any country, will have the latitude to lobby more actively in the United Nations, the Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organization (UNPO) in Europe, and important capitals of the world. If they get sufficient support and work unitedly without squabbling among themselves, they can raise a huge movement which could seriously challenge Beijing’ unreasonable attitude.
India may face a politically sensitive situation with China. The Chinese are convinced that it is the Americans who are at the root of the strength of the Tibetan movement. They are not sure how much India is a party to this conspiracy, but they will harden their attitude towards India. India must tell the political government in-exile that there are boundaries in India that cannot be crossed. But at the same time, must allow them to work within what India’s constitution and laws allow them to. New Delhi must also weigh its policies in the light of revelations how China and Chinese agencies have been assisting Indian insurgents in the north-east to wage war against the state. It will have to be a balanced approach.
In sum, the future is not yet clear. But in the long-term the Dalai Lama’s decision could greatly change the dimensions of the Tibetan movement in their favour unless they directly confront Beijing. Big issues must be left to big powers.
(The author is an eminent China analyst with many years of experience. )
The Institution of Dalai Lama is important to preserve Tibetan Political Identity. The Government of Tibet is represented by this Seal of Ganden Phodrang. The Seal represents the Spirit of Tibetan Nation that governs Tibet.
