The Adventures of Sue in Tibet – Thanks to Doris Shelton
I thank Ms. Doris Shelton for describing The Amazing Adventures of “Sue in Tibet.” I examine the Whole Trouble of Tibet from various perspectives. The central issue is that of the military occupation of Tibet by a foreign power.
I thank Ms. Doris Shelton for describing The Amazing Adventures of “Sue in Tibet.” I examine the Whole Trouble of Tibet from various perspectives. The central issue is that of the military occupation of Tibet by a foreign power.
I thank Ms. Doris Shelton for describing The Amazing Adventures of “Sue in Tibet.” I examine the Whole Trouble of Tibet from various perspectives. The central issue is that of the military occupation of Tibet by a foreign power.
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The amazing adventures of Sue in Tibet and her creator
16 March 2016
Image copyright: William Arthur Smith. Image caption: The cover art for Sue in Tibet shows a smiling girl, poised for adventure.
Girls did not often star in the adventure stories of the early 20th Century, but the chance discovery of a little-known book by the daughter of an American missionary who lived in a Tibetan border town led researcher Tricia Kehoe to uncover an extraordinary life story, but one marred by tragedy.
Everybody remembers when Tintin went to Tibet, but not what happened when Sue was there.
While browsing around a tiny second-hand bookshop in Nottingham, I came across a dusty, worn cloth-covered out-of-print book entitled “Sue in Tibet”. As a scholar of Tibetan studies, I was familiar with Tibet-based adventure and mystery novels published in the 1920s, but these were invariably centred on the stories of the men.
This was intriguing because it looked like it could be the first piece of western children’s literature ever set in Tibet, and its main character was a teenage girl. Published in 1942, it tells the story of Sue Shelby, the eldest daughter of an American missionary family stationed in the remote Tibetan border town of Batang.
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption This photograph may record the Shelton family’s first journey from the interior of China into Tibet
Set against the backdrop of rampant banditry and skirmishes between Tibetan and Chinese soldiers, it begins with the dangerous journey on horseback across snow-capped mountains by Sue’s family before they eventually settle in Batang. By the end Sue, fluent in Chinese and Tibetan, acts as an interpreter at a crucial military conference, so ensuring peace at a time of unrest.
Its observations are astonishingly accurate – because it is based very closely on the true-life adventures of its author, Dorris Shelton Still. However, her story did not have the same happy ending. As a woman back in the United States, so her children told me, Dorris almost never spoke of her unique childhood.
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption The Shelton family making a precarious crossing over a lake in the Batang region
Like Sue, Dorris was the eldest daughter of the Sheltons, an American missionary family stationed in the remote Sino-Tibetan border town of Batang between 1908 and 1921. Batang was not a strange or exotic land for Dorris, it was home. Clues to the Sheltons’ life come from Sue’s story too.
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption Dorris Shelton was sent away from Batang in 1921 to attend boarding school in the US
Image copyright Willliam Arthur Smith Image caption Sue in Tibet recounts the heroine’s close friendships with Tibetan girls in Batang
Just a few years after the British invasion of Lhasa in 1905 and a subsequent massacre of missionaries and converts by Tibetan lamas in Batang itself, the fictional family are received with a mixture of curiosity, fear and suspicion. Nevertheless, Sue becomes best friends with local girl Nogi, who teaches her to apply yak butter to her skin after bathing. They swap snacks of peanut better and jelly sandwiches for yak meat and dried yak cheese.
Sue even befriends a so-called Living Buddha, known in Tibet as a tulku or reincarnated lama. This story has some basis in reality as one remarkable photograph now held at the Newark Museum shows. It documents the occasion when the Shelton family sat down to a picnic with an incarnate lama who had been disbarred from priestly functions because he fell in love.
Image copyright Willliam Arthur Smith Image caption When Sue met a so-called Living Buddha
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption When Dorris met an incarnate lama (second from right)
As she notes in her memoirs, Dorris never forgot her friends in Batang, and would regularly pine for butter tea and tsampa, the traditional staples of Tibet. Although she longed to return, it was never to be.
But the triumphant climax of Sue in Tibet is where fiction departs from reality. When Sue’s father is prevented by injury from acting as interpreter at a crucial military conference, Sue jumps in, and after a gruelling journey on horseback, she saves the day, returning to a heroine’s welcome in Batang.
It was not like that for Dorris and her sister, who were dressed like sober American girls and kept to a strict schooling schedule. In 1921, they were sent off to boarding school. But they were never again to see their father, the heroic doctor whom Sue’s father is closely based on.
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption Dorris and her sister, despite their very Tibetan way of life, were kept in Western clothes while in Batang
While on a mission to Lhasa to set up a medical centre, he was shot by bandits on the road. He died days later. His family were not there, but a travelling companion later provided a graphic and tragic account of what happened, paying tribute to the doctor’s courage and crediting him with saving his life. After the bandits moved on, they found the doctor lying on the side of the road.
“There were blood stains all over his face. I could see a large wound open on his forehead. “
He was desperate for water, but that was scarce. Nursed for a few day, the doctor knew what was coming once his arm was amputated..
“Ming Shang. I will be gone in a few days, no hope to live, I love you, be a good boy. I have told the other folk to look after you,” Dr Shelton said.
“I was extremely sad, a man who loved me as his own son, now I had to carry his amputated arm on the back of my horse,” the account goes on to say.
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption Her father, a doctor, was on the way to set up a medical mission in Lhasa, when he was killed by bandits Even though Dorris went on to write about Sue in Tibet, her children believe the pain of the loss of her father lay behind her personal silence in her later years. Her granddaughter, Andrea Still does recall one conversation, possibly a tribute to Dorris’s father’s work as a doctor.
“She spoke about …where Western and Eastern philosophies met with most friction. It was that if someone was injured…in Tibetan culture, they would write a prayer down on a slip of paper, cover the paper in mud and swallow it down while saying prayers and walking in supplication, while the Westerner finds his trusty doctor.”
Image copyright Newark Museum Image caption Dorris Shelton went on to involve herself in Tibetan causes from the US
Tibet clearly stayed with her Dorris. She was involved in raising money to help Tibetan refugees and sponsoring Tibetan businesses in Dharamsala, the Indian city which has become a hub for Tibetan exiles. She also had private audiences with the Dalai Lama.
In many ways, the book was ahead of its time. In the 1940s, out of the 284 children’s books published in the US, only 21 had girls as their main characters. Sue, however, is centre-stage. Faced with unfamiliar and dangerous situations, she is an independent and quick-thinking girl with a strong sense of curiosity and a passion for adventure.
It is clearly a reflection of Dorris’s spirit too and she wrote about her time in Tibet with a poignant nostalgia in her later journals. “We were happy youngsters in a beautiful land with friends we loved and endless wonderful things to do.”
Image copyright Shelton Family archive
I thank Ms. Doris Shelton for describing The Amazing Adventures of “Sue in Tibet.” I examine the Whole Trouble of Tibet from various perspectives. The central issue is that of the military occupation of Tibet by a foreign power.
The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of Anatomically Modern Man.
Both Tibet and India believed that they can contain Red China’s of Expansionism using diplomatic negotiations. I will not blame Tibet or India for trying to resolve the problem of Red China’s aggression with patience and without escalating international tensions. Their efforts have failed and yet I will not blame them for trying to negotiate for a peaceful solution. Red China’s deception could not be easily discovered and her plans for total subjugation of Tibet could not be deciphered in time.
I hold Red China responsible for her own evil actions and she cannot escape consequences as evil actions always leads to downfall, disaster, calamity, catastrophe, and apocalypse. I cannot predict the response of India, or the United States to continued military occupation of Tibet. However, with a sense of profound confidence, I seek Blessings of Mount Kailash to predict and announce to the World, “Beijing is Doomed.”
The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of Man.
India has ignored Tibet for too long
A settlement of the Tibet issue is imperative for regional stability should become our consistent diplomatic refrain
By Brahma Chellaney, Livemint | November 11, 2014
Despite booming two-way trade, India-China strategic discord and rivalry is sharpening. At the core of their divide is Tibet, an issue that fuels territorial disputes, border tensions and water feuds.
Beijing says Tibet is a core issue for China. In truth, Tibet is the core issue in Beijing’s relations with countries such as India, Nepal and Bhutan that traditionally did not have a common border with China. These countries became China’s neighbours after it annexed Tibet, which, after waves of genocide, now faces ecocide.
China itself highlights Tibet as the core issue with India by laying claim to Indian territories on the basis of purported Tibetan religious or tutelary links, rather than any professed Han Chinese connection. Indeed, ever since China gobbled up the historical buffer with India, Tibet has remained the core issue.
The latest reminder of this reality came when President Xi Jinping brought Chinese incursions across the India-Tibet border on his recent India visit. Put off by the intrusions, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government permitted Tibetan exiles to stage protests during Xi’s New Delhi stay, reversing a pattern since the early 1990s of such protests being foiled by police during the visit of any Chinese leader.
However, India oddly bungled on Tibet and Sikkim during Xi’s visit—diplomatic goof-ups that escaped media attention. In response to China’s increasing belligerence—reflected in a rising number of Chinese border incursions and Beijing’s new assertiveness on Arunachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir (J&K)—India since 2010 stopped making any reference to Tibet being part of China in a joint statement with China. It has also linked any endorsement of one China to a reciprocal Chinese commitment to a one India.
Yet the Modi-Xi joint statement brought in Tibet via the backdoor, with India appreciating the help extended by the “local government of Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China” to Indian pilgrims visiting Tibet’s Kailash-Mansarovar, a mountain-and-lake duo sacred to four faiths: Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Tibet’s indigenous religion, Bon. Several major rivers, including the Indus, the Brahmaputra, the Sutlej and the Karnali, originate around this holy duo.
The statement’s reference to the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China was out of place. It lent implicit Indian support to Tibet being part of China by gratuitously changing the formulation recorded during Premier Li Keqiang’s 2013 visit, when the joint statement stated: “The Indian side conveyed appreciation to the Chinese side for the improvement of facilities for the Indian pilgrims”. Did those in the ministry of external affairs (MEA) who helped draft the statement apprise the political decision-makers of the implications of the new, China-inserted formulation?
After all, the new wording ran counter to India’s position since 2010—a stance that came with the promise of repairing the damage from India’s past blunders over Tibet, including by Jawaharlal Nehru and Rajiv Gandhi. Nehru, in the 1954 Panchsheel pact, ceded India’s British-inherited extraterritorial rights in Tibet and implicitly accepted the sprawling region’s annexation without any quid pro quo. Under the terms of this accord, India withdrew its military escorts from Tibet, and conceded to China the postal, telegraph and telephone services it operated there.
But in 2003, Atal Bihari Vajpayee went further than any predecessor and formally surrendered India’s Tibet card. In a statement he signed with the Chinese premier, Vajpayee used the legal term recognize to accept what China deceptively calls the Tibet Autonomous Region as “part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China”.
Vajpayee’s blunder opened the way for China to claim Arunachal Pradesh as South Tibet, a term it coined in 2006 to legitimize its attempt at rolling annexation. Had Vajpayee not caved in, China would not have been emboldened to ingeniously invent the term South Tibet for Arunachal, which is three times the size of Taiwan and twice as large as Switzerland. And since 2010, Beijing has also questioned India’s sovereignty over J&K, one-fifth of which is under Chinese occupation.
In this light, the reference to China’s Tibet region in the Modi-Xi joint statement granted Beijing via the backdoor what India has refused to grant upfront since 2010. This sleight of hand implicitly endorsed Tibet as being part of China without Xi committing to a one India policy.
Now consider India’s second mistake—falling for China’s proposal for establishing an alternative route for Indian pilgrims via Sikkim, a state that strategically faces India’s highly vulnerable “chicken’s neck” and where Beijing is working to insidiously build influence.
Ironically, it is by agreeing to open a circuitous alternative route for pilgrims via Sikkim’s Nathula crossing that Beijing extracted the appreciation from India to China’s Tibet government. Given that Kailash-Mansarovar is located close to the Uttarakhand-Nepal-Tibet tri-junction, the new route entails a long, arduous detour—pilgrims must first cross eastern Himalayas and then head toward western Himalayas through a frigid, high-altitude terrain.
Unsurprisingly, the meandering route has kicked up controversy, with the Uttarakhand chief minister also injecting religion to contend that scriptures “recognize only the traditional paths for pilgrimage passing through Uttarakhand”. China currently permits entry of a very small number of Indian pilgrims through just one point—Uttarakhand’s Lipulekh Pass. The foreign ministry, which organizes the Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage, is to take a maximum of 1,080 pilgrims in batches this year, with no more than 60 travellers in each lot.
One obvious reason China chose the roundabout route via Sikkim is that the only section of the Indo-Tibetan border it does not dispute is the Sikkim-Tibet frontier, except for the tiny Finger Area there. Beijing recognizes the 1890 Anglo-Sikkim Convention, which demarcated the 206-km Sikkim-Tibet frontier, yet paradoxically rejects as a colonial relic Tibet’s 1914 McMahon Line with India, though not with Myanmar.
The more important reason is that China is seeking to advance its strategic interests in the Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction, which overlooks the narrow neck of land that connects India’s northeast with the rest of the country. Should the chicken’s neck ever be blocked, the northeast would be cut off from the Indian mainland. In the event of a war, China could seek to do just that.
Two developments underscore its strategic designs. China is offering Bhutan a territorial settlement in which it would cede most of its other claims in return for being given the strategic area that directly overlooks India’s chokepoint. At the same time, Beijing is working systematically to shape a Sino-friendly Kagyu sect, which controls important Indian monasteries along the Tibetan border and is headed by the China-anointed but now India-based Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley.
The Indian government has barred Ogyen Trinley—who raised suspicion in 1999 by escaping from Tibet with astonishing ease—from visiting the sect’s headquarters at Rumtek, Sikkim. Yet—redounding poorly on Indian intelligence—the Mandarin-speaking Ogyen Trinley has been regularly receiving envoys sent by Beijing. In recent years, he has met Han religious figures as well as Xiao Wunan, the effective head of the Asia-Pacific Exchange and Cooperation Foundation. This dubious foundation, created to project China’s soft power, has unveiled plans with questionable motives to invest $3 billion at Lord Buddha’s birthplace in Nepal—Lumbini, located virtually on the open border with India.
Trinley—the first Tibetan lama living in exile to include Han Buddhist rituals in traditional Tibetan practices—was recently accused by the head of the Drukpa sect in India of aiding Beijing’s frontier designs by using his money power to take over Drukpa Himalayan monasteries, including in the Kailash-Mansarovar area. Indeed, Himachal Pradesh police in 2011 seized large sums of Chinese currency from the Karmapa’s office.
Since coming up to power, Modi has pursued a nimble foreign policy. His government, hopefully, can learn from its dual mistakes. With China now challenging Indian interests even in the Indian Ocean region, it has become imperative for India to find ways to blunt Chinese trans-Himalayan pressures.
One key challenge Modi faces is how to build leverage against China, which largely sets the bilateral agenda, yet savours a galloping, $36-plus billion trade surplus with India. Modi’s Make in India mission cannot gain traction as long as Chinese dumping of goods undercuts Indian manufacturing.
Also, past blunders on Tibet by leaders from Nehru to Vajpayee have helped narrow the focus of Himalayan disputes to what China claims. The spotlight now is on China’s Tibet-linked claim to Arunachal, rather than on Tibet’s status itself.
To correct that, Modi must find ways to add elasticity and nuance to India’s Tibet stance.
One way for India to gradually reclaim its leverage over the Tibet issue is to start emphasizing that its acceptance of China’s claim over Tibet hinged on a grant of genuine autonomy to that region. But instead of granting autonomy, China has made Tibet autonomous in name only, bringing the region under its tight political control and unleashing increasing repression.
India must not shy away from urging China to begin a process of reconciliation and healing in Tibet in its own interest and in the interest of stable Sino-Indian relations. China’s hydro-engineering projects are another reminder that Tibet is at the heart of the India-China divide and why India must regain leverage over the Tibet issue.
That a settlement of the Tibet issue is imperative for regional stability and for improved Sino-Indian relations should become India’s consistent diplomatic refrain. India must also call on Beijing to help build harmonious bilateral relations by renouncing its claims to Indian-administered territories.
Through such calls, and by using expressions such as the Indo-Tibetan border and by identifying the plateau to the north of its Himalayas as Tibet (not China) in its official maps, India can subtly reopen Tibet as an outstanding issue, without having to formally renounce any of its previously stated positions.
Tibet ceased to be a political buffer when China occupied it in 1950-51. But Tibet can still turn into a political bridge between China and India. For that to happen, China must start a process of political reconciliation in Tibet, repudiate claims to Indian territories on the basis of their alleged Tibetan links, and turn water into a source of cooperation, not conflict.
Brahma Chellaney is professor of strategic studies at the Centre for Policy Research.
This entry was posted on November 13, 2014 by Tenzin Gaphel.
TROUBLE IN TIBET – BLESSINGS OF MOUNT KAILASH. NATHU LA PASS, SIKKIM, NEW GATEWAY TO KAILASH – MANSAROVAR LAKE PILGRIMAGE.The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash is associated with The Beginning of the Anatomically Modern Man.The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of Man.The Story of Tibet relates to the Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of the Anatomically Modern Man.The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of the Anatomically Modern Man.The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of the Anatomically Modern Man.The Story of Tibet relates to The Origin of Man. Mount Kailash in Tibet is associated with The Beginning of the Anatomically Modern Man.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Pilgrims seeking to destroy forces of Evil occupying Tibet. Traditional Trekking Route.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Pilgrimage to Mount Kailash and Lake Mansarovar to destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Pilgrimage to destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. A new route to Pilgrimage to destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash to destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Pilgrimage to destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Destroy Evil force occupying Tibet.
Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. During 1973, I served in this area trekking between Tawaghat and Lipulekh Pass.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash to drive Evil force occupying Tibet.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. Uttarakhand Route to Mount Kailash is of interest to me for I served in that area during 1973.Trouble in Tibet – Blessings of Mount Kailash. New Pilgrimage Route via Nathu La Pass, Sikkim.
Special Frontier Force Remembers the Legacy of 35th US President
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Remembering John F. Kennedy’s Legacy on his 100th birthday
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE REMEMBERS JOHN F KENNEDY’S LEGACY ON 35th PRESIDENT’S 100th BIRTHDAY.
Published May 29, 2017
Fox News
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
In this Feb. 27, 1959 file photo, Sen. John F. Kennedy, D-Mass., is shown in his office in Washington. Monday, May 29, 2017 marks the 100-year anniversary of the birth of Kennedy, who went on to become the 35th President of the United States. (AP Photo, File) (AP 1959)
As Americans celebrate this Memorial Day, they also will remember the life and legacy of President John F. Kennedy who was born 100 years ago this Monday.
While the 35th president left a mixed legacy following his assassination in Dallas in 1963, Kennedy remains nearly as popular today as he did during his time in office, and he arguably created the idea of a president’s “brand” that has become commonplace in American politics.
“President Kennedy and First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy worked hard to construct a positive image of themselves, what I call the Kennedy brand,” Michael Hogan, author of ‘The Afterlife of John Fitzgerald Kennedy: A Biography.’ “And because history is as much about forgetting as remembering, they made every effort to filter out information at odds with that image.”
In commemoration of JFK’s 100th birthday, Fox News has compiled a rundown on the life of the 35th president:
Born on May 29, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts to Joseph “Joe” Kennedy and Rose Elizabeth Fitzgerald Kennedy
In 1940, Kennedy graduated cum laude from Harvard College with a Bachelor of Arts in government
From 1941 to 1945, Kennedy commanded three patrol torpedo boats in South Pacific during World War II, including the PT-109 which was sunk by a Japanese destroyer
In 1946, Kennedy was elected to Congress for Massachusetts’s 11th congressional district and served three terms
Elected to the U.S. Senate to represent Massachusetts in 1952
Kennedy marries Jacqueline Bouvier, a writer with the Washington Times-Herald, in 1953
Receives the Pulitzer Prize in 1957 for his book “Profiles in Courage”
Elected President of the United States in 1960, becoming the youngest person elected to the country’s highest office, and the first Roman Catholic president.
He is credited with overseeing the creation and launch of the Peace Corps
Sent 3,000 U.S. troops to support the desegregation of the University of Mississippi after riots there left two dead and many others injured
Approved the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 intending to overthrow Cuban leader Fidel Castro
In 1962, Kennedy oversaw the Cuban Missile Crisis — seen as one of the most crucial periods of the U.S.’s Cold War with the Soviet Union
Signed a nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union in July 1963
Asked Congress to approve more than $22 billion for Project Apollo with the goal of landing an American on the moon by the end of the 1960s
Escalated involvement in the conflict in Vietnam and approved the overthrow of Vietnam’s President Ngô Đình Diệm. By the time of the war’s end in 1975, more than 58,000 U.S. troops were killed in the conflict
Assassinated by Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Bruce Riedel Reveals the Failed CIA Operations in Tibet and Cuba
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947. In fact, Bruce Riedel reveals the failed CIA operations in Tibet and Cuba.
U.S. President John F. Kennedy faced two great crises in 1962 – the Cuban missile crisis and the Sino-Indian War. While his part in the missile crisis that threatened to snowball into a nuclear war has been thoroughly studied, his critical role in the Sino-Indian War has been largely ignored. Bruce Riedel fills that gap with JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War. Riedel’s telling of the president’s firm response to China’s invasion of India and his deft diplomacy in keeping Pakistan neutral provides a unique study of Kennedy’s leadership. Embedded within that story is an array of historical details of special interest to India, remarkable among which are Jacqueline Kennedy’s role in bolstering diplomatic relations with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Pakistan President Ayub Khan, and the backstory to the China-India rivalry – what is today the longest disputed border in the world.
Bruce Riedel is senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project. He joined Brookings following a thirty-year career at the CIA. His previous books include The Search for al Qaeda: Its Leadership, Ideology, and Future; Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad; and Avoiding Armageddon: America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back.
In my analysis, Indian Prime Minister Nehru and the US President John F. Kennedy are not accountable for the Failed CIA Operations in Tibet and Cuba. THE 1962 INDIA – CHINA WAR AND THE US FACTOR. PRESIDENT KENNEDY PLANNED TO NUKE CHINA IN 1962.
The great conspiracy hatched by the UK and the US to dismember India in 1947 is not mentioned in JFK’s Forgotten Crisis Book Review. The First Kashmir War of 1947-48 is not because of Nehru’s incompetence. Following this unfair and unjust attack on India in 1947, Nehru acted in the interests of India and obtained the Soviet support for Kashmir without any concern for his own policy of Non-Alignment. He was indeed a great diplomat who performed a balancing act. The Communist takeover of mainland China and Chairman Mao Zedongs’s Expansionist Doctrine compelled Nehru to visit Washington D.C. in 1949 to initiate the Tibetan Resistance Movement and Nehru kept it as a covert operation to avoid provoking the Soviets. Nehru offered the UN Security Council seat to Red China to please the Soviets for they are the only people who fully supported India on the Kashmir issue.
It is the US policy which helped Red China to occupy Aksai Chin area of Ladakh. The US claims Kashmir as the territory of Pakistan. The US policy does not recognize India’s right to Kashmir.
It is the US policy which helped Red China to occupy Aksai Chin area of Ladakh. The US claims Kashmir as the territory of Pakistan. Even today, the official maps of the US show Kashmir as Pakistan’s territory and the US continues to support Pakistan with an aim to dismember India. These covert operations have extended to Punjab and to the Northeast. Nehru kept his cool and obtained the US support to defend the Northeast Frontier. Kennedy did not hesitate to use the Nuke threat and it forced Red China to declare unilateral ceasefire. India regained the full control of the Northeast Frontier while the Chinese still occupy Ladakh which clearly reveals the nature of the US policy which does not recognize India’s right to Kashmir. Too much attention is given by Indian readers to Mrs. Kennedy’s sleeping arrangements during her visit to New Delhi in March 1962. She came with two other ladies. I know the man who cleans the trash cans of that suite. She was experiencing her monthly period during her stay in New Delhi. Nehru may wear a Red Rose but he was not fond of mating women during their monthly periods. Feel free to ask the CIA or Bruce Riedel to refute my account. The evidence is in the trash can, the dust bin called History. All said and done, the CIA failed in 1959 for they underestimated the capabilities of the Enemy in Tibet. The Tibet Uprising of 1959 was brutally crushed and CIA helped the Dalai Lama to find shelter in India. The CIA again failed in Cuba for they underestimated the capabilities of the Enemy in Cuba. Basically, the CIA lacks intelligence capabilities and gave false assurances to Nehru about China’s intentions and preparedness to wage a war across the Himalayan Frontier. Ask Chairman Mao Zedong as to why he attacked India in 1962. What did he say about his own attack? Indians keep repeating the false narrative shared by Neville Maxwell, a communist spy. What about Indian Army Chief? What was his name? Was he related to Nehru clan? Who appointed him to that position? Was there any favoritism? India honored all the military leaders who defended Kashmir.
Tell me about the Battlefield casualties. How many killed and wounded during the 1962 War? Ask Red China to give me its numbers. What is the secret about it? Ask Red China to declassify its War Record to get a perspective on the Himalayan Blunders of Nehru.
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. On behalf of Special Frontier Force – Vikas Regiment, I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947.
Rudra Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force/Establishment 22/Vikas Regiment
Whole Review – JFK’s Forgotten Crisis, Book by Bruce Riedel. I reject Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s interpretation of Prime Minister Nehru’s Policy since 1947.
PM Modi urged the MPs to read ‘JFK’s Forgotten Crisis’ in his Parliament speech.
JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War, Bruce O. Riedel, Brookings Institution, 2015
Bruce Riedel’s book is written in an accessible style and adds considerably to our understanding of the limitations of Nehru, the India-friendliness of JFK, and the Sino-Indian War of ’62.
Occurring in the shadows of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Sino-Indian War of 1962 is a forgotten slice of history that is remembered vividly only in India.
With it is buried an important episode of US president John Fitzgerald Kennedy’s diplomacy, an intriguing ‘what-if’ of Indo-US relations, and perhaps the most active chapter in the neglected history of Tibet’s resistance to China’s brutal occupation.
The war, however, brought about significant geopolitical changes to South Asia that shape it to this day. Bruce Riedel’s JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War is a gripping account of the United States’ involvement in South Asia and Kennedy’s personal interest in India.
In it, he dispels the commonly held belief that India was not a priority of US foreign policy in the early 1960s and that Kennedy was too preoccupied with events in his own backyard to pay any attention to a “minor border skirmish” on the other side of the world.
Except perhaps among historians of the Cold War, it is not widely known that the United States cosied up to Pakistan during the Eisenhower administration not to buttress South and West Asia against communism but to secure permission to fly reconnaissance missions into the Soviet Union, China, and Tibet.
Initiated in 1957, the US-Pakistan agreement allowed the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to operate U-2 reconnaissance planes from Lahore, Peshawar, and other airbases in West Pakistan over Communist territory. Airfields in East Pakistan, such as at Kurmitola, were also made available to the United States. Some of the missions were flown by the Royal Air Force as well.
These overflights provided a wealth of information about the Soviet and Chinese militaries, economies, terrain, and other aspects important to Western military planners. Particularly useful was the information on China, which was otherwise sealed off to Western eyes and ears.
Ayub Khan, the Pakistani president, claimed his pound of flesh for the agreement – Washington and Karachi signed a bilateral security agreement supplementing the CENTO and SEATO security pacts that Pakistan was already a member of and American military aid expanded to include the most advanced US jet fighter of the time, the F-104.
In addition to intelligence gathering, the United States was also involved – with full Pakistani complicity – in supporting Tibetan rebels fight the Chinese army.
The CIA flew out recruits identified by Tibetan resistance leaders, first to Saipan and then on to Camp Hale in Colorado or to the Farm – the CIA’s Virginia facility – to be trained in marksmanship, radio operations, and other crafts of insurgency. The newly-trained recruits were then flown back to Kurmitola, from where they would be parachuted back into Tibet to harass the Chinese military.
No one in Washington had any illusion that these rebels stood any chance against any professionally trained and equipped force, especially one as large as the People’s Liberation Army, but US policymakers were content to harass Beijing in the hope of keeping it off balance.
Jawaharlal Nehru knew of US activities in Tibet, for his Intelligence Bureau chief, BN Mullick, had his own sources in Tibet. It is unlikely, however, that he knew of Pakistan’s role in the United States’ Tibet operations.
In any case, Nehru did not believe that it was worth antagonising the Chinese when there was no hope of victory; India had to live in the same neighbourhood and hence be more cautious than the rambunctious Americans.
Furthermore, it was the heyday of non-alignment and panchsheel, and the Indian prime minister did not wish to upset that applecart if he could help it. In fact, Nehru urged US President Dwight Eisenhower during their 1956 retreat to the latter’s Gettysburg farmhouse to give the UN Security Council seat held by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist China to Mao Zedong’s Communist China.
As Nehru saw it, a nation of 600 million people could not be kept outside the world system for long, but Ike, as the US president was known, still had bitter memories of the Chinese from Korea fresh in his mind. Yet three years later, when Ike visited India and Chinese perfidy in Aksai Chin had been discovered, the Indian prime minister’s tone was a contrast.
To most, Cuba defines the Kennedy administration: JFK had got off to a disastrous start in his presidency with the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba, an inheritance from his predecessor’s era.
His iconic moment, indisputably, came two years later in the showdown with Nikita Khrushchev over Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba. Less well known is the president’s interest in South Asia and India in particular.
Riedel explains how, even before assuming the presidency, Kennedy had made a name for himself in the US Senate with his powerful speeches on foreign policy.
In essence, he criticised the Eisenhower government for its failure to recognise that the era of European power was over; Kennedy wanted to fight a smarter Cold War, embracing the newly liberated peoples of Asia and Africa and denying the Communists an opportunity to fan any residual anti-imperialism which usually manifested itself as anti-Westernism.
Riedel points to a speech in May 1959 as a key indicator of the future president’s focus:
In May 1959, JFK declared, “…no struggle in the world today deserves more of our time and attention than that which now grips the attention of all Asia. That is the struggle between India and China for leadership of the East…” China was growing three times as fast as India, Kennedy went on, because of Soviet assistance; to help India, the future president proposed, NATO and Japan should put together an aid package of $1 billion per year that would revitalise the Indian economy and set the country on a path to prosperity.
The speech had been partially drafted by someone who would also play a major role in the United States’ India policy during Kennedy’s presidency: John Kenneth Galbraith.
Riedel shows how, despite his Cuban distraction, Kennedy put India on the top of his agenda. A 1960 National Intelligence Estimate prepared by the CIA for the new president predicted a souring of India-China relations; it further predicted that Delhi would probably turn to Moscow for help with Beijing.
However, the border dispute with the Chinese had shaken Nehru’s dominance in foreign policy and made Indian leaders more sympathetic of the United States. The NIE also projected the military gap between India and China to increase to the disadvantage of the former.
The PLA had also been doing exceedingly well against Tibetan rebels, picking them off within weeks of their infiltration. By late 1960, a Tibetan enclave had developed in Nepal; Mustang, the enclave was called, became the preferred site for the CIA to drop supplies to the rebels.
Galbraith, the newly appointed ambassador to India, disapproved of the CIA’s Tibetan mission, which had delivered over 250 tonnes of arms, ammunition, medical supplies, communications gear, and other equipment by then.
Like Nehru, he thought it reckless and provocative without any hope of achieving a favourable result. There were, however, occasional intelligence windfalls coming from Tibet and Kennedy overruled Galbraith for the moment. JFK’s Forgotten Crisis shows how Galbraith was far more attuned to India than he is usually given credit for. He is most famously remembered – perhaps only among Cold War historians – for nixing a Department of Defence proposal in 1961 that proposed giving India nuclear weapons.
Then, he predicted – most likely accurately – that Nehru would denounce such an offer and accuse the United States of trying to make India its atomic ally. Now, the Harvard professor pushed for Nehru and Kennedy to meet.
This would give the Indian prime minister, Galbraith hoped, an opportunity to remove any lingering suspicions he may have had about US foreign policy in South Asia. The large aid package Washington had planned for India would only sweeten the meeting.
This was not to be: Nehru remained most taciturn and almost monosyllabic during his visit to Jacqueline Kennedy’s home in Newport. However, he was quite enamoured by the First Lady, and Jackie Kennedy later said that she found the Indian leader to be quite charming; she, however, had much sharper things to say about the leader’s daughter!
Washington’s outreach to Delhi annoyed Karachi. Though ostensibly the US-Pakistan alliance was to fight communism, the reality was that Pakistan had always been preoccupied with India.
Ayub Khan felt betrayed that the United States would give India, a non-aligned state, economic assistance that would only assist it in developing a stronger military to be deployed against Pakistan. Riedel’s account highlights the irresistible Kennedy charm – when Pakistan suspended the Dragon Lady’s flights from its soil, JFK was able to woo Khan back into the fold.
However, the Pakistani dictator had a condition – that Washington would discuss all arms sales to India with him. This agreement would be utterly disregarded during the Sino-Indian War and Pakistan would start looking for more reliable allies against their larger Hindu neighbour.
Riedel reveals how Pakistan had started drifting into the Chinese orbit as early as 1961, even before China’s invasion of India, an event commonly believed to have occurred after India’s Himalayan humiliation.
When India retook Goa from the Portuguese, a NATO country, it caused all sorts of difficulties for the United States.
On the one hand, Kennedy agreed with the notion that colonial possessions should be granted independence or returned to their original owners but on the other, Nehru and his minister of defence, Krishna Menon, had not endeared themselves to anyone with their constant moralising; their critics would not, now, let this opportunity to call out India’s hypocrisy on the use of force in international affairs pass.
The brief turbulence in relations was set right, oddly, by the First Lady again. On her visit to India, she again charmed the prime minister and he insisted that he stay with him instead of the US embassy and had the room Edwina Mountbatten had often used on her visits readied. The play of personalities, an often ignored facet of diplomacy, has been brought out well by Riedel.
Ironically, China believed that the Tibetan resistance movement was being fuelled by India with US help. India’s granting of asylum to the Dalai Lama did not help matters either, even though it was Nehru who had convinced the young Dalai Lama to return to Tibet in 1956 and have faith in Beijing’s promises of Tibetan autonomy.
Although Indian actions did factor into the Chinese decision to invade India in October 1962, records from Eastern European archives indicate that the Sino-Soviet split was also partly to blame. Humiliating India served two purposes for Mao: first, it would secure Chinese access to Tibet via Aksai Chin, and second, it would expose India’s Western ties and humiliate a Soviet ally, thereby proclaiming China to be the true leader of the communist world.
Riedel’s treatment of the war and the several accounts makes for interesting reading, though his belief that there is rich literature on the Indian side about the war is a little puzzling.
Most of what is known about the Sino-Indian War comes from foreign archives – primarily the United States, Britain, and Russia but also European archives as their diplomats recorded and relayed to their capitals opinions they had formed from listening to chatter on the embassy grapevine.
There is, indeed, literature on the Indian side but much of it seeks to apportion blame rather than clarify the sequence of events. Records from the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of External Affairs, or the Ministry of Defence are yet to be declassified, though the Henderson-Brooks-Bhagat Report was partially released to the public by Australian journalist Neville Maxwell.
Chinese records, though not easily accessible, have trickled out via the most commendable Cold War International History Project. The Parallel History Project has also revealed somewhat the view from Eastern Europe.
Riedel dispels the notion of Nehru’s Forward Policy as the cassus belli. According to Brigadier John Dalvi, a prisoner of war from almost the outset, China had been amassing arms, ammunition, winter supplies, and other materiel at its forward bases since at least May 1962.
This matches with an IB report Mullick had provided around the same time. Furthermore, the Indian forces were outnumbered at least three-to-one all along the border and five-to-one in some places. The troops were veterans of the Korean War and armed with modern automatic rifles as compared to Indian soldiers’ 1895 issue Lee Enfield.
Though Riedel exonerates Nehru on his diplomacy, he does not allow the prime minister’s incompetence to pass: the political appointment of BM Kaul, the absolute ignorance of conditions on the ground, and the poor logistics and preparation of the troops on the border left them incapable of even holding a Chinese assault, let alone breaking it.
JFK’s Forgotten Crisis brings out a few lesser known aspects of the Sino-Indian War. For example, India’s resistance to the PLA included the recruitment of Tibetan exiles to harass the PLA from behind the lines. Nehru was approached by the two men most responsible for the debacle on the border – Menon and Kaul – with the proposal which Nehru promptly agreed.
A team, commanded by Brigadier Sujan Singh Uban and under the IB, was formed. A long-continuing debate Riedel takes up in his work is the Indian failure to use air power during the conflict in the Himalayas.
It has been suggested that had Nehru not been so timid and fearful of retaliation against Indian cities but deployed the Indian air force, India may have been able to repel or at least withstand the Chinese invasion. One wonders how effective the Indian Air Force really might have been given the unprepared state of the Army.
In any case, Riedel points out that the Chinese air force was actually larger than the IAF – the PLAAF had over 2,000 jet fighters to India’s 315, and 460 bombers to India’s 320. Additionally, China had already proven its ability to conquer difficult terrain in Korea.
Throughout the South Asian conflict, the United States was also managing its relationship with Pakistan. Despite the Chinese invasion, the bulk of India’s armies were tied on the Western border with Pakistan and Ayub Khan was making noises about a decisive solution to the Kashmir imbroglio; it was all the United States could do to hold him back.
However, Ayub Khan came to see the United States as a fair-weather friend and realised he had to look elsewhere for support in his ambitions against India: China was the logical choice. Thus, the 1962 war resulted in the beginning of the Sino-Pakistani relationship that would blossom to the extent of Beijing providing Islamabad with nuclear weapon and missile designs in the 1980s.
The Chinese had halted after their explosive burst into India on October 20. For a full three weeks, Chinese forces sat still while the Indians regrouped and resupplied their positions. On November 17, they struck again and swept further south. The Siliguri corridor, or the chicken neck, was threatened , and India stood to lose the entire Northeast.
In panic, Kaul asked Nehru to invite foreign armies to defend Indian soil. A broken Nehru wrote two letters to Washington on the same day, asking for a minimum of 12 squadrons of jet fighters, two B-47 bomber squadrons, and radar installations to defend against Chinese strikes on Indian cities.
These would all be manned by American personnel until sufficient Indians could be trained. In essence, India wanted the United States to deploy over 10,000 men in an air war with China on its behalf.
There is some doubt as to what extent the United States would have gone to defend India. However, that November, the White House dispatched the USS Kitty Hawk to the Bay of Bengal (she was later turned around as the war ended).
After the staggering blows of November 17, the US embassy, in anticipation of Indian requests for aid, had also started preparing a report to expedite the process through the Washington bureaucracy.
On November 20, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew its troops to the Line of Actual Control. A cessation of hostilities had come on Beijing’s terms, who had shown restraint by not dismembering India.
Riedel makes a convincing case that Kennedy would have defended India against a continued Chinese attack had one come in the spring of the following year, and that overt US support may have influenced Mao’s decision.
In the immediate aftermath of the war, the United States sent Averell Harriman of Lend-Lease fame to India to assess the country’s needs. Washington had three items on its agenda with India:
1. Increase US economic and military aid to India;
2. Push India to negotiate with Pakistan on Kashmir as Kennedy had promised Ayub Khan; and
3. Secure Indian support for the CIA’s covert Tibetan operations.
The first met with little objection, and though Nehru strongly objected to talks with Pakistan, he obliged. Predictably, they got to nowhere. On the third point, Riedel writes that India agreed to allow the CIA to operate U-2 missions from Char Batia.
This has usually been denied on the Indian side though one senior bureaucrat recently claimed that Nehru had indeed agreed to such an arrangement but only two flights took off before permission was revoked.
Nonetheless, the IB set up a Special Frontier Force of Tibetans in exile and the CIA supported them with equipment and air transport from bases in India. All this, however, withered away as relations again turned sour after the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965 and the election of Richard Nixon.
Most of the sources JFK’s Forgotten Crisis uses are memoirs and prominent secondary sources on South Asia and China. Riedel also uses some recently declassified material from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library that sheds new light on the president’s views on South Asia.
Despite the academic tenor of the book, it is readily accessible to lay readers as well; personally, I would have preferred a significantly heavier mining of archival documents and other primary sources but that is exactly what would have killed sales and the publisher would not have liked!
Overall, Riedel gives readers a new way to understand the Kennedy years; he also achieves a fine balance in portraying Nehru’s limitations and incompetence. The glaring lack of Indian primary sources also reminds us of the failure of the Indian government to declassify its records that would inform us even more about the crisis.
As Riedel notes, the Chinese invasion of India created what they feared most and had not existed earlier: the United States and India working together in Tibet. This was largely possible also because of the most India-friendly president in the White House until then.
Yet Pakistan held great sway over American minds thanks to the small favours it did for the superpower. It was also the birth of the Sino-Pakistani camaraderie that is still going strong. The geopolitical alignment created by the Sino-Indian War affects South Asian politics to this day. Yet it was a missed opportunity for Indo-US relations, something that had to await the presidency of George W. Bush.
There are two things Indian officials would do well to consider.
First, Pakistan’s consistent ability to extract favours from Washington is worth study: if small yet important favours can evince so much understanding from the White House, it would be in Indian interests to do the same.
Second, Jaswant Singh’s comment to Strobe Talbott deserves reflection: “Our problem is China, we are not seeking parity with China. we don’t have the resources, and we don’t have the will.” It is time to develop that will.
Special Frontier Force Pays Tribute to President John F. Kennedy
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.
While sharing an interesting story titled Cold War Camelot published by The Daily Beast which includes excerpts from the book JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis by Bruce Riedel, I take the opportunity to pay tribute to President John F. Kennedy for supporting the Tibetan Resistance Movement initiated by President Dwight David Eisenhower. Both Tibet, and India do not consider Pakistan as a partner in spite of the fact of Pakistan permitting the use of its airfields in East Pakistan. Red China has formally admitted that she had attacked India during October 1962 to teach India a lesson and to specifically discourage India from extending support to Tibetan Resistance Movement. Red China paid a huge price. She is not able to truthfully disclose the human costs of her military aggression in 1962. She failed to achieve the objectives of her 1962 War on India. President Kennedy threatened to “Nuke” China and forced her to declare unilateral cease-fire on November 21, 1962. China withdrew from territories she gained using overwhelming force. People’s Liberation Army (PLA) sustained massive casualties and their brief victory over India did not give them any consolation. Red China’s 1962 misadventure forged a stronger bonding between Tibet, India, and the United States.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
On behalf of Special Frontier Force, I feel honored to share John F Kennedy’s Legacy. Due to Cold War Era secret diplomacy, Kennedy’s role in Asian affairs is not fully appreciated both in the US and India. In 1962, during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of Republic of India, Kennedy joined hands with India and Tibet to transform the Tibetan Resistance Movement into a regular fighting force.
Special Frontier Force, a military organization in India was established during the Cold War Era while the US fought wars in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. In my view, Special Frontier Force is the relic of Unfinished Vietnam War, America’s War against the spread of Communism in South Asia.
Cold War Camelot
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN K. KENNEDY. SUPPORTING TIBET WAS PRESIDENT KENNEDY’S MAIN REASON FOR HOSTING A STATE DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.
Bruce Riedel
11.08.1512:01 AM ET
JFK’s Forgotten CIA Crisis
During a spectacular dinner at Mount Vernon, Kennedy pressed Pakistan’s leader for help with a sensitive spy operation against China.
At Mount Vernon
The magic of the Kennedy White House, Camelot, had settled in at Mount Vernon. It was a dazzling evening, a warm July night, but a cool breeze came off the Potomac River and kept the temperature comfortable. It was Tuesday, July 11, 1961, and the occasion was a state dinner for Pakistan’s visiting president, General Ayub Khan, the only time in our nation’s history that George Washington’s home has served as the venue for a state dinner.
President John F. Kennedy had been in office for less than six months, but his administration had already been tarnished by the failed CIA invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs and a disastrous summit with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna, Austria. Ayub Khan wrote later that the president was “under great stress.” The Kennedy administration was off to a rocky start: It needed to show some competence.
The idea of hosting Ayub Khan at Mount Vernon came from Kennedy’s wife, Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, who was inspired by a dinner during the Vienna summit held a month earlier at the Schönbrunn Palace, the rococo-style former imperial palace of the Hapsburg monarchy built in the seventeenth century. Mrs. Kennedy was impressed by the opulence and history displayed at Schönbrunn and at a similar dinner held on the same presidential trip at the French royal palace of Versailles. America had no royal palaces, of course, but it did have the first president’s mansion just a few miles away from the White House on a bluff overlooking the Potomac River. The history of the mansion and the fabulous view of the river in the evening would provide a very special atmosphere for the event.
On June 26, 1961, the First Lady visited Mount Vernon privately and broached the idea with the director of the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, which manages the estate. It was a challenging proposal. The old mansion was too small to host an indoor dinner so the event would have to take place on the lawn. The mansion had very little electricity in 1961 and was a colonial antique, without a modern kitchen or refrigeration, so that the food would have to be prepared at the White House and brought to the estate and served by White House staff. But the arrangements were made, with the Secret Service and Marine Corps providing security, and the U.S. Army’s Third Infantry Regiment from Fort Myers providing the colonial fife and drum corps for official presentation of the colors. The National Symphony Orchestra offered the after-dinner entertainment. Tiffany and Company, the high-end jewelry company, provided the flowers and decorated the candlelit pavilion in which the guests dined.
The guests arrived by boat in a small fleet of yachts led by the presidential yacht, Honey Fitz, and the secretary of the navy’s yacht, Sequoia. They departed from the Navy Yard in Washington and sailed the fifteen miles down river to Mount Vernon past National Airport and Alexandria, Virginia; the trip took an hour and fifteen minutes. On arrival the most vigorous guests, such as the president’s younger brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, climbed the hill to the mansion on foot, but most took advantage of the limousines the White House provided.
Brookings Institution
The guest list was led by President Ayub Khan and his daughter, Begum Nasir Akhtar Aurangzeb, and included the Pakistani foreign minister and finance minister, as well as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States, Aziz Ahmed, and various attaches from the embassy in Washington. Initially the ambassador was upset that the dinner would not be in the White House, fearing it would be seen as a snub. The State Department convinced Ahmed that having it at Mount Vernon was actually a benefit and would generate more publicity and distinction. The Americans invited to the dinner were the elite of the new administration. In addition to the president, attorney general, and vice president and their wives, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Secretary of the Navy John Connally, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Lyman Lemnitzer, and their wives joined the party. Six senators, including J. W. Fulbright, Stuart Symington, Everett Dirksen, and Mike Mansfield were joined by the Speaker of the House and ten congressmen, including a future president, Gerald Ford, and their wives. The U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, William Roundtree; the chief of the United States Air Force, General Curtis Lemay; Assistant Secretary of State Phillip Talbott; Peace Corps Director Sargent Shriver; and the president’s military assistant, Maxwell Taylor, were also in attendance. Walter Hoving, chairman of Tiffany, and Mrs. Hoving, and a half-dozen prominent Pakistani and American journalists, such as NBC correspondent Sander Vanocur, attended from outside the government. In total more than 130 guests were seated at sixteen tables.
Perhaps the guest most invested in the evening, however, was the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen W. Dulles. The Kennedys had long been friends of Allen Dulles. A few years before the dinner Mrs. Kennedy had given him a copy of Ian Fleming’s James Bond novel, From Russia, with Love, and Dulles, like JFK, became a big fan of 007. Dulles was also a holdover from the previous Republican administration. He had been in charge of the planning and execution of the Bay of Pigs fiasco that had tarnished the opening days of the Kennedy administration, but Dulles still had the president’s ear on sensitive covert intelligence operations, including several critical clandestine operations run out of Pakistan with the approval of Field Marshal Ayub Khan.
Before sitting down for dinner just after eight o’clock, the guests toured the first president’s home and enjoyed bourbon mint juleps or orange juice. Both dressed in formal attire for the occasion, Kennedy took Ayub Khan for a walk in the garden alone. At that time, the CIA was running two very important clandestine operations in Pakistan. One had already made the news a year earlier when a U-2 spy plane had been shot down over the Soviet Union by Russian surface-to-air missiles; this plane had started its top-secret mission, called Operation Grand Slam, from a Pakistani Air Force air base in Peshawar, Pakistan. The U-2 shoot down had wrecked a summit meeting between Khrushchev and President Eisenhower in Paris in 1960 when Ike refused to apologize for the mission. The CIA had stopped flying over the Soviet Union, but still used the base near Peshawar for less dangerous U-2 operations over China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army.
The second clandestine operation also dated from the Eisenhower administration, but was still very much top-secret. The CIA was supporting a rebellion in Communist China’s Tibet province from another Pakistani Air Force air base near Dacca in East Pakistan (what is today Bangladesh). Tibetan rebels trained by the CIA in Colorado were parachuted into Tibet from CIA transport planes that flew from that Pakistani air base, as were supplies and weapons. U-2 aircraft also landed in East Pakistan after flying over China to conduct photo reconnaissance missions of the communist state.
Ayub Khan had suspended the Tibet operation earlier that summer. The Pakistani president was upset by Kennedy’s decision to provide more than a billion dollars in economic aid to India. Pakistan believed it should be America’s preferred ally in South Asia, not India, and shutting down the CIA base for air drops to Tibet was a quiet way to signal displeasure at Washington without causing a public breakdown in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Ayub Khan wanted to make clear to Kennedy that an American tilt toward India at Pakistan’s expense would have its costs. In his memoirs, Khan later wrote that he sought to press Kennedy not to “appease India.”
Before the Mount Vernon dinner, Allen Dulles had asked Kennedy to meet alone with Ayub Khan, thinking that perhaps a little Kennedy charm and the magic of the evening would change his mind. The combination worked; the Pakistani dictator told Kennedy he would allow the CIA missions over Tibet to resume from the Pakistani Air Force base at Kurmitula outside of Dacca.
Ayub Khan did get a quid pro quo for this decision later in his visit: Kennedy promised that, even if China attacked India, he would not sell arms to India without first consulting with Pakistan. However, when China did invade India the following year, Kennedy ignored this promise and provided critical aid to India, including arms, without consulting Ayub Khan, who was deeply disappointed.
The main course for dinner was poulet chasseur served with rice and accompanied by Moët and Chandon Imperial Brut champagne (at least for the Americans), followed by raspberries in cream for dessert. President Kennedy hosted a table at which sat Begum Aurangzeb, who wore a white silk sari. Khan enjoyed the beauty of a Virginia summer evening with America’s thirty-one-year-old First Lady; he sat next to Jackie, who wore a Oleg Cassini sleeveless white organza and lace evening gown sashed at the waist in Chartreuse silk. In his toast the Pakistani leader warned that “any country that faltered in Asia, even for only a year or two, would find itself subjugated to communism.” In turn Kennedy hailed Ayub Khan as the George Washington of Pakistan. After midnight the guests were driven back to Washington down the George Washington Parkway.
The CIA operation in Tibet had its detractors in the Kennedy White House, including Kennedy’s handpicked ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, who called it “a particularly insane enterprise” involving “dissident and deeply unhygienic tribesmen” that risked an unpredictable Chinese response. However, the operation did produce substantial critical intelligence on the Chinese communist regime from captured documents seized by the Tibetans at a time when Washington had virtually no idea what was going on inside Red China. The U-2 flights from Dacca were even more important to the CIA’s understanding of China’s nuclear weapon development at its Lop Nor nuclear test facility.
But Galbraith was in the end correct to be skeptical. The operation did have an unpredicted outcome: The CIA operation helped persuade Chinese leader Mao Zedong to invade India in October 1962, an invasion that led the United States and China to the brink of war and began a Sino-India rivalry that continues today. It also created a Pakistani-Chinese alliance that still continues. The contours of modern Asian grand politics thus were drawn in 1962. The dinner at Mount Vernon was a spectacular social success for the Kennedys, although they received some predictable criticism from conservative newspapers over its cost. It was also a political success for both Kennedy and the CIA, keeping the Tibet operation alive. As an outstanding example of presidential leadership in managing and executing covert operations at the highest level of government, it is an auspicious place to begin an examination of JFK’s forgotten crisis.
From JFK’s FORGOTTEN CRISIS: TIBET, THE CIA, AND THE SINO-INDIAN WAR,by Bruce Riedel, Brookings Institution Press, November 6, 2015.
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR HIS SUPPORT TO TIBET. DINNER HOSTED AT PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY WHO HOSTED STATE DINNER AT GEORGE WASHINGTON’S MOUNT VERNON ESTATE ON JULY 11, 1961 TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY. A STATE DINNER HOSTED ON JULY 11, 1961 WAS USED TO GET SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS FROM PRESIDENT AYUB KHAN OF PAKISTAN.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING THIS DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.jfklibrary.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961.On www.mountvernon.orgSPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE PAYS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY FOR GETTING PAKISTAN’S SUPPORT FOR TIBET OPERATIONS DURING DINNER AT MOUNT VERNON ON JULY 11, 1961. On www.jfklibrary.org
Trouble in Tibet – Red China’s Doctrine of Neocolonialism – The Forced Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
STRUGGLE IN THE CITY FOR TIBETAN NOMADS
By Benjamin Haas
Aba (China) (AFP) – By mid-morning, Lobsang’s leather cowboy hat is askew, his black robes dishevelled, and his breath stinks of booze. Once a nomad herder roaming the high Tibetan plateau, instead he stumbles around his sparse new concrete house.
For decades he and his wife grazed yaks and sheep, living a life little changed in centuries, until they acquiesced three years ago to government calls to give up their yak-hair tents for permanent housing.
Now they live in a resettlement village, row after row of identical blue-roofed grey shells, an hour’s drive from Aba in Sichuan province along winding mountain roads.
“Everything changed when we moved to this town,” said Tashi, who like her husband is in her 40s but not sure of her exact age. “First we ran out of money, then he couldn’t find suitable work and then he started drinking more and more.”
Chinese authorities say urbanisation in Tibetan areas and elsewhere will increase industrialisation and economic development, offering former nomads higher living standards and better protecting the environment.
Those who move receive an urban hukou — China’s strictly controlled internal residence permits that determine access to social services. The government offers free or heavily subsidised houses, medical insurance, and free schooling.
TROUBLE IN TIBET – RESETTLEMENT OF TIBETAN NOMADS. KANDING, THE GANZI PREFECTURE. RED CHINA’S NEOCOLONIALISM.‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
A woman walks in the snow in Kangding in the Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, southwestern China.
But critics say the drive has a one-size-fits-all approach and many former pastoralists have not prospered, despite its promises.
Unlike the voluntary urbanisation of the early 2000s, when many adults maintained subsistence lifestyles while sending children and the elderly into towns, Andrew Fischer, of the International Institute of Social Studies at Erasmus University in Rotterdam, said: “The policy lock, stock and barrel shoves nomads into these resettlements thinking that is good for them.
“But then that gives rise to a variety of related problems like unemployment, social problems, alcoholism, et cetera, which are typical hallmarks of rapid social dislocation,” he told AFP.
‘TOO LATE’
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
At the resettlement facility, many relocated former herders complained to AFP they lacked work or training. Critics of China’s urbanization drive say it has a one-size-fits-all approach and many former pastoralists have not prospered.
Dolkar, 42, sold his last 13 yaks for 85,000 yuan (now $13,000) two years ago, a decision he now regrets, and has yet to find stable employment. “I thought this was a lot of money, but I didn’t realise things in the town would be so expensive,” he lamented.
“A person from the government came and convinced me I should move, but now I see I’ve lost so much. I want to go back, but it’s too late.”
Now available urban jobs are low-wage, manual positions in construction or sanitation. But many nomads shun menial labour, having enjoyed wealthy status in the Tibetan community by virtue of their valuable livestock holdings.
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
Critics say one goal of the urbanisation campaign is to give authorities more oversight over the people of Tibet.
“It’s not like everyone can become a petty entrepreneur selling dumplings in the marketplace, the jobs need to be there and in the absence of that, the government moving them to urban areas isn’t going to help.”
SEPARATIST FORCES
Critics say one goal of the urbanisation campaign is to give authorities more oversight over the people of Tibet, which has been ruled by Beijing since 1951.
The resettlement village AFP visited is in what was Kham, the eastern part of pre-invasion Tibet, where Khampa warriors fought Communist forces, sometimes with CIA backing, until the late 1960s.
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
Across China, urbanisation is a top economic priority, with Premier Li Keqiang calling it the country’s ‘Grand Strategy for Modernisation’.
The region’s top Party official, Chen Quanguo, has said each village should become a “fortress” to “guard against and combat the infiltration of Tibetan separatist forces”.
Urbanisation efforts “concentrate people into areas where they are far easier to surveil and where they become more dependent on state subsidies to survive —- in other words, where they are easier to control”, Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch, told AFP.
Environmental experts also say that rather than protecting mountain pastures, the policy has damaged their ecology, allowing invasive weeds to proliferate and change the nature of the soil.
“Not using these grasslands long-term doesn’t work,” said Sun Jie, deputy director of the Grassland Research Institute at the Inner Mongolia Academy of Agricultural & Animal Husbandry Sciences.
“It’s always been natural for grasslands to be used for grazing, the plants and the soil need it for healthy growth,” she added. “Otherwise poor quality foliage moves in and contributes to soil decline.”
Across China, urbanisation is a top economic priority, with Premier Li Keqiang calling it the country’s “grand strategy for modernisation” at a 2014 policy meeting.
But benefits such as running water have come at the cost of Tibetan former nomads’ sense of identity, with many complaining their sons and daughters are taught almost entirely in Mandarin.
“My children will never know our history, they won’t understand our Tibetan traditions,” said Dorje, who moved into the resettlement camp six years ago and occasionally works odd jobs. “My grandchildren will never know I used to be a respected and wealthy man, they will only know poverty.”
‘Trouble in Tibet’ has several faces and one of them is Resettlement of Nomads. This Policy of Resettlement of Tibetan Nomads symbolizes Red China’s Neocolonialism; extension of political and economic control over Tibet using organizational, and technological superiority.
Trouble in Tibet – Demise of Tibetan Language Education
Trouble in Tibet – Demise of Tibetan Language Education
Trouble in Tibet has millions of faces, and I am sad to add the face of Tashi Wangchuk to describe Tibet’s Trouble; tragic demise of Tibetan Language Education.
Tibetan language rights activist Tashi Wangchuk detained again for “slanderous” videos on Chinese TikTok
Chinese authorities detained prominent Tibetan language rights activist, Tashi Wangchuk, on October 20, 2024, for his language rights activism on Chinese social media platforms. The Yushul (Chinese: Yushu) City Public Security Bureau (PSB) accused Tashi of publishing “fabricated” and “slanderous” videos on platforms such as Douyin (TikTok) and Kuaishou to “slander government agencies” and challenge government decision-making.
Tashi was held for 15 days and released on November 4, 2024. This detention follows his previous five-year prison term from 2016 to 2021 on charges of “inciting separatism,” after his appearance in a New YorkTimes article and video documentary in November 2015 documenting his efforts to petition the Chinese government for Tibetan language protection.
China Charges Tibetan Education Advocate With Inciting Separatism
THE NEW YORK TIMES By EDWARD WONG MARCH 30, 2016
China Charges Tibetan Education Advocate With Inciting Separatism
Tashi Wangchuk, a Tibetan entrepreneur and education advocate, at his home in Yushu, China, in July. Mr. Tashi was detained in January and held in secret until his family was notified this month. Credit Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times
BEIJING : A detained Tibetan entrepreneur who advocated for bilingual education in schools across Tibetan regions of China has been charged with inciting separatism, according to an official police document.
The entrepreneur, Tashi Wangchuk, 30, is being held at the main detention center in Yushu, the town in Qinghai Province in western China, where he lives with his elderly parents. Mr. Tashi could face up to 15 years in prison if found guilty, depending on the specifics of the allegations against him.
Mr. Tashi was detained on Jan.27 and held in secret for weeks. His relatives said they were not told of his detention until March 24, though Chinese law requires that a detainee’s family be notified within 24 hours. A document stating the charge against Mr. Tashi, which a police officer gave the family, and a photograph of which was seen by The New York Times, was dated March 4.
Before his detention, Mr. Tashi had written on his microblog that Tibetans needed to protect their culture and that Chinese officials should aid them in doing so. He has argued for greater Tibetan autonomy within China, but none of his known writings have called for Tibetan independence, which he has said he opposes.
A Tibetan’s Journey for Justice
Worried about the erosion of Tibetan culture and language, one man takes his concerns to Beijing, hoping media coverage and the courts can reverse what he sees as a systematic eradication.
By JONAH M. KESSEL on Publish Date November 28, 2015. Photo by Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times.
The family said it has not been able to find a local lawyer to represent Mr. Tashi. Officials have not yet announced a trial date.
Mr. Tashi’s case has attracted international attention. Officials at the State Department are aware of his detention, and a representative of Canadian Journalists for Free Expression said the group was starting a petition to call for his release. President Obama may raise human rights issues with his Chinese counterpart, President Xi Jinping, when Mr. Xi visits Washington this week for a summit meeting on nuclear issues.
As an advocate for Tibetan culture, Mr. Tashi has been most vocal about language education, saying that schools should adopt a true system of bilingual education so that Tibetan children can become fluent in their mother language.
Mr. Tashi has said that the dearth of effective Tibetan language education, and the fact that the language is not used in government offices, violates the Chinese Constitution, which guarantees cultural autonomy for Tibetan and other ethnic regions.
Mr. Tashi runs a shop in Yushu and sells goods from the region to buyers across China on Taobao, an online platform run by Alibaba, the e-commerce giant. In 2014, Alibaba chose Mr. Tashi to be featured in a video for the company’s investor roadshow before a high-profile initial public offering. The founder and executive chairman of Alibaba, Jack Ma, was the video’s main narrator.
Late last year, Mr. Tashi was quoted in two articles in The New York Times on Tibetan language and culture. He was also the main subject of a documentary video by The Times about his attempts to use the legal system to compel officials to improve Tibetan language education.
In an interview last year, Mr. Tashi said he did not support Tibetan independence because he believed that Tibet could continue to develop economically as a part of China. He said he wanted true autonomy for Tibetan regions as guaranteed in the constitution, which he said would help preserve Tibetan language and culture.
Mr. Tashi also said in the interview that he was thankful to all the Chinese people who truly protect minorities, and he praised Mr. Xi for having promoted a democratic and law-abiding country these last few years.
Mr. Tashi had been detained briefly twice before, he and his family members have said. Once was for trying to go to India, a common destination for Tibetans who want to see the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader. The other detention, in 2012, was for posting online comments that criticized local officials over land seizures.
TIBET’S ATLAS OF EMOTIONS. TROUBLE IN TIBET – NO PEACE UNDER OCCUPATION. MIND MAP OF TIBET SHOWS FEAR, ANGER, SADNESS, AND DISGUST.
Peace is true or real experience if that experience is in conformity with facts of external world. If forces of occupation control, rule, govern, reign, or operate conditions of external world, there can be no ‘Inner Peace’ for it is not real or true. For any Tibetan living in Occupied Tibet, his emotions are not his Enemy; the Enemy is visible, the Enemy is real. There is no Calmness of Mind for this Enemy is not yet removed.
“Dalai Lama” Website Launched by His Holiness the Dalai Lama includes Mind Map, and Atlas of Emotions to help people find or discover “Inner Peace.” Spirituality and Science can be blended, but the real issue is that of blending Freedom and Repression. For Repression excludes Freedom, there will be no Peace, neither in Mind, nor in World.
Inner Peace? The Dalai Lama Made a Website for That
Special Frontier Force – Tibetan Resistance: The Doctrine and the Philosophy of Tibetan Resistance to China’s War of Occupation is based on the Force or Power of an Idea that concludes that the Enemy has no Power over your Mind and the Enemy cannot exercise authority over your Mind. Resistance begins when man sets his Mind Free. Resistance is Freedom in Action without any sense of Fear.
The Dalai Lama spoke about the Atlas of Emotions study at the Wilson House on the Sisters of St. Francis’ Assisi Heights campus in Rochester, Minnesota.
By KEVIN RANDALL
May 6, 2016
ROCHESTER, Minn. — The Dalai Lama, who tirelessly preaches inner peace while chiding people for their selfish, materialistic ways, has commissioned scientists for a lofty mission: to help turn secular audiences into more self-aware, compassionate humans.
That is, of course, no easy task. So the Dalai Lama ordered up something with a grand name to go with his grand ambitions: a comprehensive Atlas of Emotions to help the more than seven billion people on the planet navigate the morass of their feelings to attain peace and happiness.
“It is my duty to publish such work,” the Dalai Lama said.
To create this “map of the mind,” as he called it, the Dalai Lama reached out to a source Hollywood had used to plumb the workings of the human psyche.
Specifically, he commissioned his good friend Paul Ekman — a psychologist who helped advise the creators of Pixar’s “Inside Out,” an animated film set inside a girl’s head — to map out the range of human sentiments. Dr. Ekman later distilled them into the five basic emotions depicted in the movie, from anger to enjoyment.
Dr. Ekman’s daughter, Eve, also a psychologist, worked on the project as well, with the goal of producing an interactive guide to human emotions that anyone with an Internet connection could study in a quest for self-understanding, calm and constructive action.
“We have, by nature or biologically, this destructive emotion, also constructive emotion,” the Dalai Lama said. “This innerness, people should pay more attention to, from kindergarten level up to university level. This is not just for knowledge, but in order to create a happy human being. Happy family, happy community and, finally, happy humanity.”
The Dalai Lama paid Dr. Ekman at least $750,000 to develop the project, which began with a request several years ago.
Dr. Ekman recalled the Dalai Lama telling him: “When we wanted to get to the New World, we needed a map. So make a map of emotions so we can get to a calm state.”
As a first step, Dr. Ekman conducted a survey of 149 scientists (emotion scientists, neuroscientists and psychologists who are published leaders in their fields) to see where there was consensus about the nature of emotions, the moods or states they produce, and related areas.
Based on the survey, Dr. Ekman concluded that there were five broad categories of emotions — anger, fear, disgust, sadness and enjoyment — and that each had an elaborate subset of emotional states, triggers, actions and moods. He took these findings to a cartography and data visualization firm, Stamen, to depict them in a visual and, he hoped, useful way. “If it isn’t fun, it’s a failure,” Dr. Ekman said. “It’s got to be fun for people to use.” Stamen’s founder, Eric Rodenbeck, has created data visualizations for Google, Facebook and MTV, as well as maps showing climate change and rising oceans. But he said the Atlas was the most challenging project he had worked on because it was “built around knowledge and wisdom rather than data.”
Not surprisingly, getting scientists to reach a unified understanding of human emotions was difficult.
Dacher Keltner, a professor of psychology at the University of California, Berkeley, also counseled Pixar on establishing and depicting the emotional characters for “Inside Out.” He has even advised Facebook on emoticons.
Although Dr. Keltner took part in Dr. Ekman’s survey, the two are not in complete agreement on the number of core emotions. Still, Dr. Keltner said he saw the project as a good step. “The survey questions could have allowed for more gray areas,” he said. “But it’s important to take stock of what the scientific consensus is in the field.”
Dr. Ekman emphasized that the Atlas was not a scientific work intended for peer review.
“It is a visualization for what we think has been learned from scientific studies,” he said. “It’s a transformative process, a work of explanation.”
The Dalai Lama wants to keep religion out of it.
“If we see this research work as relying on religious belief or tradition, then it automatically becomes limited,” he said. “Even if you pray to God, pray to Buddha, emotionally, very nice, very good. But every problem, we have created. So I think even God or Buddha cannot do much.”
The Dalai Lama said he hoped the Atlas could be a tool for cultivating good in the world by defeating the bad within us.
“Ultimately, our emotion is the real troublemaker,” he said. “We have to know the nature of that enemy.”
The Dalai Lama said he had been encouraged by President Obama’s reaction to the project when he told him about it in India.
“Obama seems, I think, to show more interest about our inner value,” he said. “In the past, compassion was something of a sign of weakness, or anger a sign of power, sign of strength. Basic human nature is more compassionate. That’s the real basis of our hope.”
While excited about the Atlas, however, the 80-year-old Dalai Lama will probably not be clicking around the interactive site. He is much more comfortable turning the printed pages of a version that was custom-made for him.
“Technology is for my next body,” he once quipped to the researchers.
TROUBLE IN TIBET – MIND MAP OF TIBET – WHERE IS PEACE WITHOUT FREEDOM?
“Dalai Lama” Website Launched by His Holiness the Dalai Lama includes Mind Map, and Atlas of Emotions to help people find or discover “Inner Peace.” Spirituality and Science can be blended, but the real issue is that of blending Freedom and Repression. For Repression excludes Freedom, there will be no Peace, neither in Mind, nor in World.
Tibetans want to find or discover “Freedom” which is defined as the state or quality of being free from the control of some other person or some arbitrary power; a being able of itself to choose or determine action freely without hindrance, restraint, or repression. If Tibetans are not “Free” to act, how can Tibetans discover “Inner Peace?” Creation of Mind Map will not create Freedom in Occupied Tibet. Repression in Tibet has to go to discover Inner Peace in Mind Map of Tibet.
Dalai Lama: Website launched by Dalai Lama, Atlas of Emotions, blends Science and Spirituality to create Mind Map and reach global audiences
TROUBLE IN TIBET – MIND OF TIBET. DALAI LAMA’S WEBSITE ATLAS OF EMOTIONS EXCLUDES MIND MAP OF TIBET WHERE REPRESSION REIGNS.
May 6, 2016 Sally Elliott
The Dalai Lama never ceases his quest to help others navigate the complex human psyche as part of the path to inner peace, and the Dalai Lama’s website is designed to do just that.
In a truly creative and contemporary collaboration between a Hollywood producer, world-class scientists, and the Dalai Lama, a website, named Atlas of Emotions, was launched with a view of helping the world identify and understand human emotions and overcome those that block the path to peace. The Dalai Lama’s website is the result of a collaboration between Paul Ekman, an American psychologist, and the producers of 2015 animated blockbuster Inside Out. Atlas of Emotions blends science and spirituality to create a mind map for global audiences — the religious, the spiritual, and the secular.
“It is my duty to publish such work,” the Dalai Lama told the New York Times.
According to the New York Times, Dr. Ekman and the Dalai Lama are good friends, and when he decided on a course of action to help the human race achieve peace, the Dalai thought of Pixar’s Inside Out and its universally comprehensible model of the mind and human emotion.
“Specifically, he commissioned his good friend Paul Ekman — a psychologist who helped advise the creators of Pixar’s ‘Inside Out,’ an animated film set inside a girl’s head — to map out the range of human sentiments. Dr. Ekman later distilled them into the five basic emotions depicted in the movie, from anger to enjoyment,” reports the outlet.
Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Repression excludes Freedom. There is neither inner nor outer Peace if Freedom is not in Mind Map.
The Dalai Lama is one of the world’s most prolific and widely followedspiritual leaders [Photo by Lisa Maree Williams]
The Dalai Lama’s website is aimed at achieving his lofty life mission guiding the human race to overcome selfish and hateful behavior, practice kindness, self-awareness, and compassion — in a changing world of countless brands of faith.
“‘When we wanted to get to the New World, we needed a map,’ Dr. Ekman recalled the Dalai Lama telling him. ‘So make a map of emotions so we can get to a calm state,’” reports the New York Times.
Eve Ekman, Dr. Ekman’s fellow psychologist daughter, also collaborated to maximize the engagement and accuracy of the website launched by the Dalai Lama. Atlas of Emotions blends scientific knowledge, which psychologists use to help patients understand and overcome negative behaviors and emotions, and spiritual ideology to provide an interactive guide to human emotions, and it is available to any person with internet access. The website is set to be an invaluable resource for those without the money or opportunity to seek professional help and people seeking to understand their complex emotions on the path to self-awareness, inner peace, and constructive action.
“We have, by nature or biologically, this destructive emotion, also constructive emotion. This innerness, people should pay more attention to, from kindergarten level up to university level,” the Dalai Lama told the NY Times.
“This is not just for knowledge, but in order to create a happy human being. Happy family, happy community and, finally, happy humanity.”
Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. There is no Inner Peace in Mind or World without Freedom.
The Dalai Lama was the guest of honor at a U.S. Government-hosted PrayerBreakfast. [Photo by Pool/Getty Images]
The website launched by the Dalai Lama greets visitors with a simple and sophisticated homepage that outlines five core emotions: anger, fear, disgust, sadness, and enjoyment. Users can navigate through the wealth of scientific and spiritual knowledge through Triggers, States, Actions, Moods, and Calm — explanations of how thoughts and feelings come about, how they are experienced, the actions we take as a result, how those make us feel, and how we can overcome the blocks to inner peace and happiness posed by ignorance or lack of understanding.
Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Where is Peace and Freedom in Atlas of Emotions?
New work! We designed an Atlas of Emotions for the @DalaiLama and @PaulEkman
Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Where is Peace and Freedom in Atlas of Emotions?
With the highest quality of professional input, the website launched by the Dalai Lama, Atlas of Emotions, which blends science and spirituality to create a mind map, is set to reach global audiences. The potential for engagement is infinite.
Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Where is Peace and Freedom in Atlas of Emotions?Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Repression is not compatible with Calmness.Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Repression Causes FEAR.Trouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Repression leads to Apprehension and FearTrouble in Tibet – Mind Map of Tibet. Repression Triggers FEAR.Trouble in Tibet – No Peace Under Occupation. Tibet’s Atlas of Emotions. Mind Map of Tibet shows Fear, Anger, Sadness, and Disgust.Tibet’s Atlas of Emotions – Mind Map of Tibet Shows Fear, Apprehension, Anger, Disgust, and Sadness.
November 14, 1962 – First Prime Minister of India shares his birth date with Vikas Regiment
November 14, 1962. First Prime Minister of India shares his birth date with Special Frontier Force.
On Wednesday, November 14, 2024, I pay my respectful tributes to India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. On November 14, 1962, he shared his birth date with Special Frontier Force without hosting any public ceremony.
On Wednesday, November 14, 2024, I pay my respectful tributes to India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. On November 14, 1962, he shared his birth date with Special Frontier Force without hosting any public ceremony.
November 14, 1962. First Prime Minister of India shares his birth date with Special Frontier Force.
November 14, 1962. First Prime Minister of India shares his birth date with Special Frontier Force.
Jawaharlal Nehru was born to Motilal Nehru and Swaruprani Thussu on November 14, 1889, in Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh. His birthday is celebrated as Children’s Day. Jawaharlal Nehru remained in office (as prime minister) until his death in 1964.
November 14, Jawaharlal Nehru’s birth anniversary, is celebrated as Children’s Day in India
New Delhi:
President Ram Nath Kovind, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and senior Congress leader Sonia Gandhi on Wednesday paid tributes to India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru on his 129th birth anniversary.
Jawaharlal Nehru was born to Motilal Nehru and Swaruprani Thussu on November 14, 1889, in Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh. His birthday is celebrated as Children’s Day. Jawaharlal Nehru remained in office (as prime minister) until his death in 1964.
Former president Pranab Mukherjee, former vice president Hamid Ansari, former prime minister Manmohan Singh, and Sonia Gandhi paid their respects to Jawaharlal Nehru at Shantivan.
“Remembering Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, our first Prime Minister, on his birth anniversary,” read a post on the official Twitter handle of the President Kovind.
PM Modi recalled Jawaharlal Nehru’s contribution to India’s freedom struggle and during his tenure as prime minister. “Remembering our first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru on his birth anniversary. We recall his contribution to our freedom struggle and during his tenure as Prime Minister,” he tweeted.
Balloons in the colors of the Indian flag were released amid playing of bands and singing of patriotic songs by school children at Jawaharlal Nehru’s memorial Shantivan.
Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan led parliamentarians in paying tributes to the first prime minister at the Central Hall of Parliament.
Besides Ms. Mahajan, senior leaders LK Advani, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Leader of Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge, Union minister Vijay Goel, former Haryana chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda among others paid homage to Jawaharlal Nehru.
November 14, 1962. First Prime Minister of India shares his birth date with Special Frontier Force.Special Service Award presented by all Officers D Sector, Establishment 22
Whole Review – Movie TE3N Reveals My Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot: SURRENDER AGREEMENT SIGNED IN DHAKA ON DECEMBER 16, 1971.Whole Review – Movie TE3N Reveals My Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot: LIBERATION OF BANGLADESH ON DECEMBER 16, 1971.Whole Review – Movie TE3N Reveals My Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot: Pakistan Surrenders on December 16, 1971.Movie TE3N Reveals my Tibet Connection by using Four Photo images grouped together in a single screenshot. Liberation of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971.Movie TE3N Reveals my Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot. Surrender Agreement in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.TE3N Movie Reviews my Tibet Connection by grouping together four photo images. Pakistan surrenders in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.
TE3N Movie Producer Sujoy Ghosh and Director Ribhu Das Gupta imaginatively created a screenshot grouping four different photo images to describe my Tibet Connection; These are,
1. Surrender Agreement signed in Dhaka on December 16, 1971 leading to creation of independent nation of Bangladesh,
Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh AVSM VSM, General Officer-in-Command, Eastern Command of Indian Army had served as the Inspector General of Special Frontier Force prior to his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant General. He served in the rank of Brigadier during the 1971 War but Movie TE3N chose this photo image.
2. Lieutenant General Dalbir Singh Suhag, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Headquarters Eastern Command, Kolkata, who actually participated in the 1971 War while serving in the rank of Brigadier,
TE3N Movie Reviews my Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot. My Indian Army Picture ID photo image of 1972 taken at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India. In reality, I participated in the 1971 War wearing the badges of rank of Lieutenant and not Captain
3. My Indian Army Picture ID photo image of 1972 taken in Doom Dooma while I was posted to D Sector, Establishment 22 after the 1971 War, and
Lieutenant General T S Oberoi, the Southern Army Commander during 1983, the former Inspector General of Special Frontier Force is seen in this photo wearing a helmet. The photo was taken during 1982 while he visited Army Service Corps Centre, Bangalore. In reality, he served as my Brigade Commander during the 1971 War.
4. Lieutenant General Thirath Singh Oberoi PVSM VrC, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Headquarters Southern Command Pune while he visited Army Service Corps Centre in Bangalore in 1982. In reality, T S Oberoi served in the rank of Brigadier during the 1971 War.
Photo images 2, 3, and 4 are related for they relate to our military service at Special Frontier Force, Establishment 22 now known as Vikas Regiment. In November 1971, Special Frontier Force initiated Liberation of Bangladesh with military action in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and so, these images relate to the photo image of the Surrender Agreement signed in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.
Beijing is Doomed – Revelation Unsealed
TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed – Revelation Unsealed. Strike by Heavenly Object.
I kept silent about my participation in Operation Eagle, Bangladesh Ops for a very long time and none of you heard that word from me until 2010 when I started my demand for gallantry award after His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s visit to Ann Arbor, Michigan on March 03/04, 2008. I did not invite him to visit Ann Arbor, and I had no time to meet him. I read news media coverage, particularly the story published by The Ann Arbor News of this event. Prior to this date, I did not speak or write about him. I realized that the time has come to describe my Tibet Connection. If I had really cared about getting Gallantry Award, I would have reacted in January 1972 when my Unit Commander informed me that the Indian Army Medical Directorate did not forward my gallantry award citation on time to Army Headquarters, MS Branch. The citation was not lost. It was not sent in time for its consideration. I raised the issue in 2010, for it is important to disclose my Tibet Connection.
I want to receive Gallantry Award recommended in 1971 War. However, it is not an acknowledgment of my service in Indian Army. The award was recommended by my Unit Commander who knew that I deliberately chose to enter Enemy territory without carrying my service weapon. Under Army Act, the refusal to carry personal weapon, the concealing or disposal of personal weapon, or not using weapon against Enemy are punishable offenses. My Unit (South Column, Op Eagle, Establishment 22 – Special Frontier Force) is not subject to Army Act. They have not threatened to discipline me. Rather, they have shown appreciation for my determination to work without my personal weapon. I made that decision because of my Tibet Connection.
While most of you may have read about speeches or quotes from speeches given by the Dalai Lama, may not be knowing about an assurance the Dalai Lama has given to his followers. Dalai Lama lives on the hope that China’s Communist Regime would experience sudden downfall. Many in the Tibetan Exile community share this hope as they believe or have faith in his words. I acknowledge my Tibet Connection, but I am not follower of the Dalai Lama. So, I had to investigate his statement and subject it to my rational analysis, a scientific method which I call Devotional Inquiry. I use the term Devotion not in the context of any kind of worship service or prayerful thought. I don’t look inwards. I look for answers examining the reality of external world.
For example, many Christians believe in the Future Coming of Christ or Advent. This hope comes from The New Testament Book of Revelation. Over 2,000 years have passed, many believers lived and died and yet the prophecy has not come true. I looked at various possibilities to account for Dalai Lama’s hope for the sudden, unexpected downfall of China. He has not shared or further explained the mechanism to trigger a sudden downfall of Communist China. World War II came to an abrupt stop when US bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Japan surrendered in August 1945. I ruled out the possibility of China surrendering in World War III. Regimes have changed after public revolts like American Revolution, French Revolution, Red Revolution, and October Revolution of China. In fact, Tibet formally declared Full Independence on February 13, 1913 after the downfall of Manchu China following 1911 Revolution. We have seen some protests in China during 1989, protests in Hong Kong, and signs of severe labor unrest in China. But, I am not expecting a Great Proletarian Revolution to cause China’s downfall. If not political unrest, I considered the possibility of economic meltdown and severe or Great Depression. It is a good possibility as their Communist – Capitalist Economy will fail and is currently failing.
Historically, we have records of great empires rising and falling. People have given a variety of reasons to account for rise and fall of empires. Diseases like Malaria may account for fall of Roman Empire. Apart from health and sickness, people have cultural beliefs. Jews may believe in Messiah, Christians believe in the Kingdom of Heaven, Buddhists believe in Reincarnation of Compassionate Buddha (Maitreya), and Hindus may believe in Reincarnation of Lord Vishnu to change World Order to restore Peace and Justice.
Being student of Biology, I looked at Natural Causes and Natural Mechanisms that can significantly impact life on Earth. Natural calamities like floods, earthquakes, and hurricanes can have devastating effect. But, most major and minor mass extinction events have extraterrestrial causes such as Radiation or impact or collision by celestial objects like comets or asteroids. Planet Earth experienced several such collision events. At K-T Junction, about 65 million years ago, the entire Dinosaur population got wiped out while Life on Earth continued to multiply. In most recent times, during Geological Epoch called Holocene, entire species of Hominin Family got wiped out with the exception of Anatomically Modern Man leaving no surviving prehistoric man such as Neanderthal, Denisova, or Cro-Magnon. But, in terms of Science, these are all random, unguided events that can be interpreted as accidents and are not purposeful actions.
I account for human life as series of guided, goal-oriented, sequential, purposeful actions which demand synchronization with events in external environment such as periods of light and darkness, and Conservation of Mass, Energy, and Momentum. While planet Earth is spinning at great speed and is moving all the time, I sleep and get up in Ann Arbor as if Earth is a stationary object. I am not predicting a random, spontaneous event or natural calamity that may cause sudden downfall of China.
I looked at Book of Revelation written by Prophet John who most Christian theologians think of as Apostle John, one of Jesus Christ’s Twelve Disciples. Apparently, he wrote this Book while imprisoned in a small island far away from Babylon. But, that is not important. Historical Babylonian Empire had fallen several centuries before birth of Jesus Christ. There was no Evil Babylon when John wrote his Revelation Prophecy. Babylon is thought of a ‘code’ name for some unknown Evil Empire. Some think, that the term ‘Evil Empire’ or ‘Babylon’ may refer to Rome or even China in the East which was not a great empire at the time of writing that Book.
Chapter 18, Book of Revelation, that describes sudden downfall of Babylon was inspired by The Old Testament Book of Isaiah, a Hebrew Prophet. His prophecy came true when Persian Emperor Cyrus defeated and vanquished Babylon and graciously permitted rebuilding of Second Temple in Jerusalem long before the birth of Jesus Christ. So John has no reason to make prophecy about Babylon while he lived during the lifetime of Jesus and His Crucifixion.
I accept the scenario described in Chapter 18, Book of Revelation. I am not claiming a new prophetic vision. I am simply unsealing the mystery of Babylon. When I state, “Beijing is Doomed,” I am not visualizing natural accident or natural calamity. China’s downfall will come by guided, goal-oriented, purposeful, sequential actions following its strike by a heavenly object such as asteroid, large stone which will collide with China’s largest City of Shanghai.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie – TE3N
TE3N MOVIE EXPLORES MY TIBET CONNECTION BY GROUPING TOGETHER FOUR PHOTO IMAGES IN A SINGLE SCREENSHOT.
TE3N is a suspense thriller set in Kolkata. Industry’s best actors Amitabh Bachchan, Vidya Balan and Nawazuddin Siddiqui coming together in one film.
Story in detail:
It’s been 8 years since John Biswas (Amitabh Bachchan) lost his granddaughter, Angela, in a tragic kidnapping incident that scarred him & his wife Nancy forever. But eight years later, while the world has moved, John hasn’t given up his relentless quest for justice.
He continues to visit the police station where he’s shunned & ignored every day. The only person whose help he seeks is Martin Das (Nawazuddin Siddiqui), an ex-cop turned priest who has one thing in common with John – the death of Angela had a life altering impact on both men.
But then, 1 day, 8 years after that tragic incident, there’s another kidnapping & everything about it echoes of similarity with the kidnapping of Angela. Father Martin is once again dragged into the investigation by cop Sarita Sarkar (Vidya Balan).
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Beijing is Doomed: In 1972, a Chinese spy who infiltrated my military camp in Doom Dooma sent my photo image to Peking (Beijing).
It comes as a big surprise to find my stolen Indian Army Photo ID image from 1972 is revealed in a brief screenshot of this Movie.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation
TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed.
I use my Indian Army Photo ID image of 1972 to describe my connection with City of Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India. I unsealed the prophecy shared by Book of Revelation, Chapter 18 that gives detailed account of sudden, unexpected, downfall of Evil Empire in one single day.
TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection using photo image taken at Doom Dooma in 1972. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection using single screenshot of photo image taken at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Beijing is Doomed. Mystery of Revelation 18: 1-24 Unsealed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Mystery of Babylon Unsealed. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Mystery of Babylon Unsealed. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Mystery of Babylon Unsealed. Beijing is Doomed.TE3N Movie explores my Tibet Connection. Mystery of Babylon Unsealed. Beijing is Doomed.
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
Whole Review – Movie TE3N Reveals My Tibet Connection by grouping four photo images in a single screenshot. Special Service Award presented by all Officers D Sector, Establishment 22, at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Prophecy revealed by Photo image in TE3N
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N.
TE3N is a suspense thriller set in Kolkata. Industry’s best actors Amitabh Bachchan, Vidya Balan and Nawazuddin Siddiqui coming together in one film.
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
Story in detail: It’s been 8 years since John Biswas (Amitabh Bachchan) lost his granddaughter, Angela, in a tragic kidnapping incident that scarred him & his wife Nancy forever. But eight years later, while the world has moved, John hasn’t given up his relentless quest for justice.
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
He continues to visit the police station where he’s shunned & ignored every day. The only person whose help he seeks is Martin Das (Nawazuddin Siddiqui), an ex-cop turned priest who has one thing in common with John – the death of Angela had a life altering impact on both men.
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
But then, 1 day, 8 years after that tragic incident, there’s another kidnapping & everything about it echoes of similarity with the kidnapping of Angela. Father Martin is once again dragged into the investigation by cop Sarita Sarkar (Vidya Balan).
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. I use my Indian Army Photo ID image of 1972 to describe my connection with City of Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India. I unsealed the prophecy shared by Book of Revelation, Chapter 18 that gives detailed account of sudden, unexpected, downfall of Evil Empire in one single day.
It comes as a big surprise to find my stolen Indian Army Photo ID image from 1972 is revealed in a brief scene shot of Bollywood Movie TE3N released in June 2016.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. I use my Indian Army Photo ID image of 1972 to describe my connection with City of Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India. I unsealed the prophecy shared by Book of Revelation, Chapter 18 that gives detailed account of sudden, unexpected, downfall of Evil Empire in one single day.
I use my Indian Army Photo ID image of 1972 to describe my connection with City of Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India. I unsealed the prophecy shared by Book of Revelation, Chapter 18 that gives detailed account of sudden, unexpected, downfall of Evil Empire in one single day.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed.My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation 18:1-24 – Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. Beijing is Doomed. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation Chapter 18:1-24 – Beijing is Doomed. Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation Chapter 18:1-24 – Beijing is Doomed. Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N. My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.” Doomsayer of Doom Dooma – Revelation Chapter 18:1-24 inspired by Prophet Isaiah Chapter 47 – Beijing is Doomed. Photo Image in Bollywood Movie TE3N.My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”My Indian Army Photo ID image taken in 1972 at Doom Dooma serves just one purpose; it unseals Revelation Prophecy and it helps me to announce, “BEIJING IS DOOMED.”
TROUBLE IN TIBET – WHERE IS THE PATH TO FREEDOM? “VAGUE TALK ABOUT PEACE WILL ONLY DISTURB SOME PIGEONS.” H.H. The Dalai Lama. For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay, political head of the Tibetan people, unfurls and raises the Tibetan National Flag on the 53rd National Uprising Day on March 10, 2012 in Dharamsala, India. Tibetan people are demanding their Right to Natural Freedom that was taken away by the military occupation of their Land. Freedom in Tibet is about oppression caused by foreign occupation.
THE WASHINGTON POST
THE DALAI LAMA’S PRACTICAL PATH TO PEACE
Trouble in Tibet – Where is the Path to Freedom?For there is ‘Trouble in Tibet’, we need to continue our search for a Path to Freedom. Tibetan Cause was at the center of America’s Cold War interests. Vague talk of peace Dalai Lama said, “will only disturb some pigeons.” It is imperative to find a clear path to Freedom in Occupied Tibet.
The Dalai Lama, center, can be informal and mischievous, as when he rubbed his head into the beard of a very dignified Muslim cleric. (Tenzin Choejor/Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama)
By MICHAEL GERSON Opinion writer May 5, 2016 at 8:00 PM
DHARAMSALA, India
When posed a policy question, the Dalai Lama is surprisingly (for a religious leader) un-prone to moralism. What, I asked him, does he think of the European backlash against migration? “In the name of sympathy, for the few who are desperate, [resettlement] is worthwhile.” But Europeans, he continued, “have a right to be concerned for their own prosperity.” Better, he said, “to help people in their own land.” He added: “It is really complex.”
Michael Gerson is a nationally syndicated columnist who appears twice weekly in The Post.
In conversation, the Dalai Lama’s cast of mind is thoroughly empirical. You can see him considering a matter from various angles and revising his views based on new input. He is a Buddhist who recommends “analytic meditation” instead of employing spiritual exercises as a “tranquilizer.” Self-reflection, he believes, should be the basis for action in the world. Vague talk of peace, he said, “will only disturb some pigeons.”
For decades, the Dalai Lama has embodied the Tibetan cause, which was once at the center of America’s Cold War interests. With that cause now something of an international orphan, the Dalai Lama has cultivated a different type of influence — global celebrity based on spiritual charisma.
I saw that charisma up close as the fortunate witness to a singular event. Under the auspices of the United States Institute of Peace, the Dalai Lama spent two days mentoring 28 exceptional youth leaders — men and women doing peacebuilding in conflict zones across Asia and Africa, often at great personal risk.
The Dalai Lama is, despite recent health issues, energetic and apparently (at 80) tireless. He is informal and mischievous (at one point rubbing his bald head into the beard of a very dignified Muslim cleric). He is disarmingly self-effacing: “I am not god,” quoth the 14th reincarnation of the Lord of Compassion. “I don’t know” is a consistent refrain.
But his view of the world is also highly consistent and occasionally controversial. He argues that ethics are primary and unifying, while religion belongs to “a secondary level of difference.” What he calls “secular ethics” can be derived from “common experience and common sense,” which teaches the “sameness of humanity” and the universal capacity for, and need for, love and compassion. For evidence, he turns to neuroscience and social scientific research on child development rather than to scripture. (He has mandated a science curriculum for Tibetan monasteries.) Human beings, in his view, are essentially good and responsible for doing good. “We promote a more compassionate world,” he said, “through education, not through prayer.”
If this sounds familiar, it is not far from the social ethics — not the theology — of some strains of liberal Protestantism. And the Dalai Lama shares something with Pope Francis: an impatience with institutional religion, which he says is prone to be “narrow and rigid.”
The Dalai Lama is keen to argue that “all religions carry the message of love and compassion.” In more careful moments, he says, “all religions have the same potential.” This is true — from a certain perspective. Each of the world’s major religions has resources of respect for the other that can (and should) be emphasized at the expense of less attractive elements.
Some of the faithful will resist the Dalai Lama’s frank insistence that religion be modernized. “Some traditions must change. I tell my Hindu friends, they must change their treatment of outcasts.” In Islam, “the meaning of jihad is not hurting other people.” His own tradition he described as “too close to the feudal system.” “This is not a change in religion. It is changing habits due to social tradition.”
This religious essentialism — defining a core of humane teaching that stands in judgment of a tradition’s cultural expressions — is what helps ensure that religion is a positive cultural force. Conservative Protestants in the United States who dispute this idea still demonstrate it. The treatment of women in most evangelical churches is closer to common American practice than to the Apostle Paul’s first-century attitudes, and it should be.
The uniqueness of the Dalai Lama’s voice in global debates is his emphasis on the inner life. He roots the pursuit of peace in a “calm mind” — and displays it. “External disarmament,” he told the gathered young activists, “begins with internal disarmament. If you show anger, things get worse. A genuine smile and warmheartedness and a joke are the only way to cool things down.”
It is good advice for anyone facing conflict — as well as the only basis for a peace that involves trust, forgiveness and healing.
Michael Gerson is a nationally syndicated columnist who appears twice weekly in The Post.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom. Lobsang Sangay, Prime Minister of Tibetan Government-In-Exile.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Lobsang Sangay, the incumbent prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, speaks to media after being re-elected for second term in office in Dharmsala, India, Wednesday, April 27, 2016.
Shannon Van Sant May 16, 2016 3:46 AM
HONG KONG—
The re-election of Lobsang Sangay as prime minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile has renewed hopes among some that dialogue between the Dalai Lama and China’s central government, which stopped in 2010, will begin again.
On the day of his election, Sangay vowed to push for autonomy for the Tibetan people and restart talks with the Chinese government.
“We remain fully committed to the Middle Way Approach, which clearly seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within China. It is hoped the leaders in Beijing will see reason with the Middle Way Approach, instead of distorting it, and step forward to engage in dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s envoys,” he said.
No talks since 2010
Representatives of the Dalai Lama held several rounds of talks with China until they were stalled in 2010 by protests and a subsequent crackdown in Tibet. Tsering Passang, Chair of the Tibetan Community in Britain, said whether or not talks restart is in Beijing’s hands. “It’s really up to the Chinese, and due to the current reality, the geopolitical situation, as well as the economic situation, China has the upper hand, so it’s going to be a challenge for the Tibetan leadership,” he said.
Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
FILE – An elderly Tibetan woman, who was among those waiting to receive the Dalai Lama, gets emotional as the spiritual leader greets devotees upon arrival at the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics near Dharmsala, India.
Sangay defeated challenger Penpa Tsering
Sangay ran against the speaker of the Tibetan Parliament, Penpa Tsering and received 58 percent of nearly 60,000 votes cast. About 90,000 exiled Tibetans are registered to vote in 40 countries. However, China has largely ignored the elections, with the foreign ministry only making terse remarks on the ballot results when pressed to comment at a recent briefing. Spokesman Hong Lei said the voting was nothing but a “farce” staged by an “illegal” organization that is not recognized by any country in the world.
Robert Barnett, the director of modern Tibet studies at Columbia University, is not very optimistic about the resumption of talks. “It’s quite disheartening at the moment because there are no signs from the Chinese side of any concession at all, in fact very much the opposite. But of course the Chinese side would not disclose if it was going to make a move. It would be in its interest to move very quickly at a time of its own choosing,” he said.
Trouble in Tibet – Search for Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
FILE – An exile Tibetan nun cries as she prays during a candlelit vigil in solidarity with two Tibetans, who exiles claim have immolated themselves demanding freedom for Tibet, in Dharmsala, India, Wednesday, March 2, 2016.
China claims control of Tibet for centuries
China says it has maintained control of the Tibetan region since the 13th century, and the Communist Party says it has liberated the Tibetan people through removing monks from power who the party says presided over a feudal system. But many Tibetans argue they were independent until Communist forces invaded in 1950. Nine years later the Dalai Lama fled into exile after a failed uprising against the government. While the Dalai Lama remains the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people, he gave up political authority in 2011, and called for democratic elections to choose a prime minister to lead the parliament of the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala, India.
With the current Dalai Lama now in his 80s, the issue of who will select the next Dalai Lama is gaining in importance.
But P.K. Gautam, a Research Fellow at the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses in India, said any political talks that may develop should not be confused with discussions over who will select the next Dalai Lama.
“So who selects the Dalai Lama is a very separate process, but the political negotiations, for the autonomous region, the way it is desired, that can be taken on by this central administration. So it’s a long-term process; it’s just one of these steps that may lead to a solution so that the Tibet autonomous region regains its pillars,” he said.
Many Tibetans hope Sangay’s election is also a step towards easing discontent throughout the Tibetan community. More than 100 Tibetans have self-immolated in protest against the Chinese government since 2009.
Trouble in Tibet – Search For Path to Freedom.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.TROUBLE IN TIBET – SEARCH FOR PATH TO FREEDOM. PREPARE YOUR MIND.Trouble in Tibet reflects anxiety of Tibetan people as they search for path to freedom they lost in 1950. Talks on Tibetan autonomy are doomed to fail as the proposed dialogue is not about Tibetan nation that existed for centuries with its own identity.
Whole Dude - Whole Concept 