Whole Family – Whole Relations – The Mylapore-Madras Connection

September 05 – Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s Birthday – Reflections on my Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections

September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. My reflections on Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.

September 05, Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday is celebrated as Teacher’s Day in India. On Friday, September 05, 2025, I want to share my reflections on my Mylapore, Madras, Chennai Family Connections. This relationship connects several important events of my life’s journey. For I believe in the doctrine of predestination, I can trace my life’s journey as a series of predetermined events.

In my analysis, time and the place are of equal importance in the formulation of predetermined events. I shall discuss the role of time and place in the context of three issues; 1. Birth Place, 2. Relationships, for example, Radhakrishnan worked in Presidency College, Madras where my father studied and worked, and 3. Final Destination.

My Birthplace

September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. My reflections on Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.

Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, my birthplace predetermined my connection to Radhakrishnan as well as my connection to my wife who is also born on the fifth day of September.

September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. My reflections on Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.

Radhakrishnan studied in Madras Christian College and later worked in Presidency College, Madras. My wife talks about Madras Christian College for her father, and four of her brothers studied there. In February 1973, just after I got married, I visited Madras Christian College along with my wife to meet her younger brother who was studying there for his Master of Science degree.

September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. My reflections on Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.

My father studied in Presidency College, Madras and later worked there during my early childhood years spent in Mylapore. Apart from Radhakrishnan, his son, Sarvepalli Gopal also worked in Presidency College.

My Relationships

September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. My reflections on Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections. My birth Star: Moola Nakshatra predestined my relationships.

In October 1962, my connection to Radhakrishnan was shaped by Communist China’s attack on India across the Himalayan Frontier. On one hand the Spirit of Nationalism inspired me to serve in the Indian Army, and on the other hand, it profoundly influenced my thinking about choosing a life partner. At the same time, the 1962 India-China War prepared a very special place to render my military service while I am still a college student. In September 1969, I was granted the Short Service Regular Commission to serve in the Indian Army Medical Corps. My educational career prepared me for this role as well as giving me the opportunity to find a partner who accepted my passion to serve in the Olive-Green military uniform. I got married in January 1973 while I was serving in D Sector, Establishment 22 and was stationed at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam.

Special Frontier Force is known by the study of its military mission

Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This badge represents a military alliance/pact between India, Tibet, and the United States of America. Its first combat mission was in the Chittagong Hill Tracts which unfolded on 03 November 1971. It was named Operation Eagle. It accomplished its mission of securing peace in the region that is now known as Republic of Bangladesh.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: “AHIMSA PARAMO DHARMAH; DHARMA HIMSA TATHIVA CHA.” Both India and Tibet recognize Non-Violence or Ahimsa as the highest principle. The military organization, Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment represents the second part of the statement; Violence or Himsa is equally the highest principle when it is necessary to defend the righteous.

The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967. While Special Frontier Force is a product of Cold War Era secret diplomacy, I share my personal story, the events from early childhood, that shaped the rest of my life and has formulated my bonding with this Organization and my desire to accomplish its military mission.

September 05-Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan's birthday
The military organization which is known as Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment came into its existence during the presidency of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the second President of the Republic of India, 13 May 1962 to 13 May 1967

Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan belonged to Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai) and his daughter, Rukmini was married to the younger brother of my maternal grandfather, Dr. Kasturi. Narayana Murthy, M.D., who lived at 2/37 Kutchery Road in Mylapore. I was born in my grandfather’s residence. While I lived in Mylapore and later during my regular summer vacations spent in Madras City, I used to visit Dr. Radhakrishnan’s daughter’s residence daily.  At that time, Dr. Radhakrishnan served as the first Vice President of India (1952-1962). I clearly remember the celebration of 2500th Birth Anniversary of Gautama Buddha on May 24, 1956, while I was in Mylapore, Madras City (Chennai). In India’s capital City of New Delhi, the celebration was attended by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the  10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche. The Institution of Dalai Lama is the central focus of Tibetan Cultural Identity and Tibetan national character.

Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan's birthday(05 September) as Teacher's Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter.
Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and the history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In India, school children celebrate Dr. Radhakrishnan’s birthday (05 September) as Teacher’s Day and every year that I spent as a student, I had a special reason to remember my family connection with his daughter and the Indian President. He correctly predicted the need for military action to fight injustice and during his Presidency, India bravely resisted the Chinese aggression and thousands of Indian Army soldiers gave their precious lives to defend India. It inspired me to serve in the Indian Armed Forces to continue the task of opposing, and resisting the threat posed by Communist China.

India – Tibet Relations From 1950 to 1962:

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha(Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Becuase of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to People's Republic of China's invasion of Tibet in 1950.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The Celebration of 2500th Anniversary of the birth of Gautama Buddha (Buddha Jayanti) in New Delhi on May 24, 1956 displays the historical connection between India, and Tibet. Prime Minister Nehru, President Rajendra Prasad, the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama, Rinpoche are seen in this photo image. Because of Gautama Buddha, India, and Tibet are natural allies. But, the complex, political, and military relationship developed as a reaction to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The President of India Babu Rajendra Prasad with the visiting His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, and Panchen Lama Rinpoche. India, and Tibet, during 1956 tried to resolve the crisis imposed by China using peaceful, diplomatic negotiations.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China had shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India, and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama, and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military occupation of Tibet by Communist China shaped the historical, cultural, religious relationship between India, and Tibet. It commenced an entirely new era in which both India and Tibet are driven by the same kind of security concerns. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai represents the face of that danger that forced Prime Minister Nehru to know and appreciate the nature of Tibetan Nation as represented by the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama Rinpoche.

India achieved its full independence from the British rule on August 15, 1947. India became the Republic of India on January 26, 1950. Dr. Babu Rajendra Prasad became the first President of the Republic of India. The first general elections were held in 1952, and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who was at that time-serving as India’s ambassador to the Soviet Union, was elected as the first Vice President and he served a second term as the Vice President from 1957 to 1962. India witnessed a major military threat to its Himalayan frontier when the People’s Republic of China sent its army during October 1950 to occupy Tibet while Tibetans had no ability to resist such a massive, military invasion of their territory. Tibet tried to resolve the issue using diplomacy. Tibet requested India to bring the issue to the attention of the United Nations to adopt a resolution against the Communist invasion. At that time Tibet was still following the policy of political isolationism, and neutralism and was not recognized by the United Nations as a member nation. The United States was fighting the Korean War and was fully interested in preventing the spread of Communism in Asia. However, Tibet did not request for direct, US military intervention. India did not have the necessary military force of its own to intervene inside Tibet. At the same time, India also actively pursued its own policy of political neutralism that is known as the Nonaligned Movement to reduce the political tensions caused by the Cold War. India thought that the crisis in Tibet could be resolved by directly negotiating with China without involving the United Nations and without antagonizing its security interests in defending Kashmir from military aggression by Pakistan and its allies in the West. During 1951 Communist China had imposed a 17-Point Agreement on Tibet while Tibetans had no capacity to defend their rights; the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on 23rd May 1951 to take measures for the “Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” China started quoting this agreement to justify its illegal and unjust military occupation of Tibet. It must be clearly understood that the Great Fifth Dalai Lama founded the “Ganden Phodrang” Government of Tibet in 1642. The successive Dalai Lamas have headed the Tibetan State for nearly four centuries. Towards the end of the Qing Dynasty or Ching Dynasty, the Great 13th Dalai Lama declared Tibet’s Independence from Manchu China. From 1911 to 1950 – 39-Years, Tibet was an independent Nation before the creation of this political entity called The People’s Republic of China.

Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet's isolationism.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo image of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in Peking. Tibet tried its very best to appease the Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-Tung until 1954-1955. China took full political, and military advantage of Tibet’s isolationism and took every possible measure to deny the freedom that Tibetans had enjoyed for several centuries in spite of sporadic foreign invasions by the Mongols, and later by the Manchus. In the past, the foreign rulers of Tibet did not intervene in Tibet’s internal affairs and their traditional style of governance through the institution of the Dalai Lama or the “Ganden Phodrang” Government continued for four centuries.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India's President and Vice President. Both India, and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with India’s President and Vice President. Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security.

Both India and Tibet had strongly desired to resolve the conflict with communist China using diplomacy. The existence of an autonomous Tibetan nation serves the best interests of Indian national security. India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China's military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honour the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet had no intentions to formulate a military alliance/pact in response to China’s military occupation. They had expected that China would consent to release its military grip and allow full autonomy. A banquet held in Ashoka Hotel, New Delhi in 1956 to honor the visiting Head of State, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet who is seen seated between Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi.

India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism.

The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Both India, and Tibet desired friendly, and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Both India and Tibet desired friendly and peaceful relations with China. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai is seen here with the 14th Dalai Lama, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter Ms. Indira Gandhi during his visit to New Delhi in 1956. These efforts towards peaceful co-existence with Communist China had utterly failed during 1957-58.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China's policy of Expansionism.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India and Tibet tried to cultivate a friendly relationship with China and its failure was caused by China’s policy of Expansionism. Prime Minister Chou En-Lai’s visit to New Delhi in 1956.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China's military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai , and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: India desired to promote international peace and tried to avoid armed conflicts. The burden imposed by China’s military occupation of Tibet was viewed with concern, but India tried the use of diplomacy and avoid war. A ceremony to honor Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, and the 14th Dalai Lama during their visit to New Delhi in 1956.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: This photo image of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrates the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India's peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The photo images of Prime Minister Chou En-Lai, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 14th Dalai Lama demonstrate the desire of India to promote peaceful co-existence. Establishment No. 22 represents the failure of India’s peace initiative. The military occupation of Tibet is not a friendly posture and China could not be trusted as a friend.

While Tibet tried its very best to please the Communist leaders of China, India had also pursued a similar policy to befriend China to address the problem of the military threat posed by the military occupation of Tibet. The “Panchsheela” Agreement of 1954 between India and People’s Republic of China recognizes Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, and India agreed to withdraw its very small, military presence in Tibet. India believed that China would grant full autonomy to Tibet and preserve the political, and cultural institutions of Tibet.

It must be noted that Tibet did not recognize or endorse the Panchsheela Agreement made by India and China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence(PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad(first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Chinese Prime Minister Zhou En-Lai visited New Delhi, India in June 1954 after his initiative called the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (PANCHSHEEL). The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad (first right), Vice President Radhakrishnan third right, and India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is at the far left.

Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September/October 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping). Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He had visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi(Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping(Deng Xiaoping).
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan made an unsuccessful attempt to resolve the problem of the military occupation of Tibet. He visited Peking during September 1957 and met with various Communist Party leaders including Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, and President Liu Shao-Chi (Liu Shaoqi), and Party General Secretary Teng Hsiao-Ping (Deng Xiaoping).
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan had visited Peking during September 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: Indian Vice President Radhakrishnan visited Peking during September/October 1957 and could not get any concessions from the Communist leaders. China had determined to pursue a policy of Expansionism and had tripled the size of its country using its superior military power.

The Origin of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22:

The need for the use of military force became inevitable after China made it abundantly clear that it would not negotiate its military occupation of Tibet and would not allow the traditional form of Tibetan Government as represented by the Institution of the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan Resistance Movement began with a very modest attempt to train some Tibetan nationals to fight the Chinese People’s Liberation Army that occupied Tibet.

1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China's occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People's Liberation Army.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22- Vikas Regiment: 1957 was a turning point. India had recognized that its foreign policy of political neutralism was of no use and had started depending upon the United States to address the military threat posed by China’s occupation of Tibet. But, the effort was too modest and both India and the United States had grossly underestimated the strength of the People’s Liberation Army. Camp Hale at Colorado represents one aspect of CIA operation and had been called ST CIRCUS.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010 was the first time that US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang(Nepal) Operation.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010, was the first time that the US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang (Nepal) Operation.

During 1957 it became very clear that Communist China would not relax its military grip over Tibet, and the hopes for limited Tibetan autonomy evaporated. Both India, and Tibet had agreed to seek American military intervention, and it must be believed that India only wanted a covert, military operation to build and establish a Tibetan Resistance Movement to challenge and overthrow the Chinese military regime in Tibet. The climax of this Tibetan Resistance was during March 1959, and China using its vastly superior military power easily crushed this Tibetan Uprising. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had no choice; he and his close followers fled Tibet to seek political asylum in India.

The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA's covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The arrival of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in India to seek political asylum represents the failure of CIA’s covert operation inside Tibet. CIA had grossly underestimated the intelligence capabilities of Communist China.

India received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.

The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise if Tibet finds India as its natural ally.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had arrived in India during March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The Journey of a political refugee. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama arrived in India on 31 March 1959 and was presented a Guard of Honor by the Assam Rifles in the Tawang Sector of the North East Frontier Agency which is renamed as Arunachal Pradesh.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad had received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India's belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Indian President Babu Rajendra Prasad received His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with due dignity reflecting India’s belief that the Dalai Lama is the traditional Head of Tibet, an autonomous nation.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China's occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The military tyranny imposed by Communist China’s occupation had forced Tibet to break-free from its traditional policy of political isolationism and it is not a big surprise to find India as its natural ally. Vice President Radhakrishnan is seen with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.

The 1962 India – China War:

The 1962 India-China War
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: Prior to the 1962 India-China War, the Tibetan Resistance Movement had no permanent base in India. The War had forced India to strengthen the Tibetan Resistance Movement and provide it a permanent base within Indian territory. Indian Armed Forces played a major role in training the members of Special Frontier Force with financial, and technical assistance provided by the United States.

I must admit that the Chinese brutal attacks across the Himalayan frontier during October 1962 came as a shocking surprise to me and to most people all over India. To some extent, India, Tibet, and the United States had lacked the intelligence capabilities to know the intentions and the capabilities of their enemy. The costs of this 1962 War would be known if China takes courage and openly admits the numbers of its soldiers wounded, and killed in action. China paid a heavy price and had utterly failed to obtain legitimacy for its military occupation of Tibet.

Truths about the 1962 India-China War
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The 1962 War between India and China paved the way towards a better understanding of India’s security concerns and the need for military alliance/pact with a friendly power like the United States to meet the challenge posed by Communist China. I appreciate Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for his idealistic views and aspiration to be known as a peacemaker. He finally recognized the need for a strong, well-equipped Army.

The 1962 War of Aggression launched by Communist China had a decisive influence on my personal life. I was a college student, and I was in the first year of my 3-year Bachelor of Science degree course. I felt a strong urge to join India’s Armed Forces to specifically address the military threat posed by China. The 1962 War was a conflict imposed by China to teach India a lesson. Later, official documents released by China describe that Chairman Mao Tse-Tung took punitive action to teach a lesson to India when it launched a massive war of retribution attacking Indian Army positions across the entire Himalayan frontier in October 1962. Chairman Mao Tse-Tung was angered by the support extended by India to Tibet to counter the military occupation. Chairman Mao resented India’s role in helping the covert operation of the Central Intelligence Agency and had called it an “Imperialist” conspiracy or plot against China. China had utterly failed to achieve its objectives and the War ended when China declared a unilateral ceasefire on November 21, 1962, and withdrew from the captured Himalayan territory. It should be noted that India did not request China to declare this ceasefire. India did not promise that it will withhold the support that it extends to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. The Secret White House Recordings of the US President John F Kennedy reveal that Kennedy had threatened to nuke China in 1962 and I must say that the threat achieved its purpose and had forced China to stop its military aggression and withdraw unilaterally without demanding any concessions from India, or Tibet.

The Birth of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22:

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: People's Republic of China could not alter the course of India's foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to "NUKE" China.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: The People’s Republic of China could not alter the course of India’s foreign policy. The 1962 War launched by China ended very abruptly when China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew from the captured territory on November 21, 1962. President Kennedy played a decisive role by threatening to “NUKE” China.

President John F. Kennedy immediately responded to the Chinese attack on India. Apart from delivery of arms and ammunition, and other military supplies, American aircraft carried out photo missions over the Indo-Tibetan border. In a meeting held on November 19, 1962 at the White House, President Kennedy, Dean David Rusk (Secretary of State), Averell Harriman (Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs), Robert McNamara (Secretary of Defense), General Paul Adams (Chief of the US Strike Command), John Kenneth Galbraith (US Ambassador to India), John A McCone (Director of Central Intelligence Agency), Desmond Fitzgerald (the Far Eastern CIA Chief), James Critchfield (the Near East CIA Chief), John Kenneth Knaus (CIA’s Tibet Task Force), and David Blee (CIA Station Chief in New Delhi) had decided upon a military aid package in support of the newly created military organization in India which was initially named as Establishment No. 22 and later the name Special Frontier Force was added to describe the location of its headquarters in New Delhi.

The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: In the Cold War Era of Silence and Secrecy, India was fortunate to find the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Averell Harriman who played a crucial role in developing the military response to the 1962 War.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to fight the threat posed by Communism. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru's visit to Washington D.C.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: John Kenneth Galbraith, the US Ambassador to India played a very helpful role to bring India, and the United States to come together on mutual security concerns and to build a personal relationship between the leaders. This photo image is from 1961 taken during Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to Washington D.C.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan visiting Indian Army units during the 1962 India-China War. India withstood the attack by Communist China and it soon recovered from its wounds and regained its full confidence to engage China on the battlefield.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan with Officers of Indian Army during the 1962 India-China War. India understood the need for better preparedness to fight future wars and decided to maintain its support to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, the Head of Tibetan nation who was granted political asylum in India.
Special Frontier Force- President Radhakrishnan-Clash with China
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: President Radhakrishnan is seen speaking to news reporters during the 1962 War. India was not deterred by Chinese aggression and had boldly continued the support it extended to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

The 1962 India-China War, a military conflict that was initiated by China accomplished the exact opposite of what China had planned to accomplish.

1. India became more firmly aligned with the United States discarding its original policy of political neutralism.

2. The level of cooperation between the Central Intelligence Agency and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW-The Intelligence Bureau of India) became greatly enhanced.

3. India started increasing its own defense-preparedness and strengthened its military capabilities to fight a future war with China.

4. India was not deterred by the Chinese attack and decided to substantially increase its involvement with the Tibetan Resistance Movement. India made the commitment to provide a permanent base to the Tibetan Resistance Movement apart from hosting the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

5. India, Tibet, and the United States joined together in a military alliance/pact leading to the creation of the military organization called the Establishment No. 22 which is later formally named The Special Frontier Force to describe its official Headquarters in New Delhi.

President Radhakrishnan’s Historic Visit to The United States on June 03/04, 1963:

President Kennedy with Indian President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment is linked to the presidency of John F. Kennedy.

After the conclusion of the 1962 War with China, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s personal health demanded a serious attention and President Radhakrishnan performed the historical journey to the United States on June 03/04 to meet the US President John F. Kennedy to express India’s solidarity with the United States in promoting Peace and Democracy, and the visit displays the trust, and confidence placed by India in the future of their mutual military assistance, and cooperation. I am happy to share several photo images of that visit.

President John F. Kennedy is known to me for he founded the military organization called the Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment, in 1962 to secure Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in the occupied Land of Tibet. President Kennedy acted as a ‘True Neighbor’ of Tibet when he acted with compassion after recognizing the plight of helpless Tibetan people. The United States must reflect its true national values in the manner in which it treats its alien residents.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03/04, 1963.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. The historic visit by President Radhakrishnan to affirm India’s friendly relationship with the United States in their policy towards China.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03/04, 1963.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03/04, 1963. President Radhakrishnan’s visit affirms the appreciation for American support during the 1962 India-China War.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China.
The History of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: June 03, 1963, Indian President Radhakrishnan by his visit acknowledges the India-Tibet-US military alliance/pact to oppose the military threat posed by China.
Indian President-President Kennedy-Spirits of Special Frontier Force
The History of Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.
September 05. Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday. Reflections on my Madras – Tibet – US Family Connections.

I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore residence after his retirement during 1967. At that time, both of us were not aware that the very first posting of my career in the Indian Armed Forces would be that of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 that was created during his presidency. In India, Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan is recognized as a teacher, philosopher, and a statesman. He is never described as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces. I was granted Commission to serve in the Indian Army at the pleasure of the President of India, and my posting order to serve as a Medical Officer in Establishment No. 22 – Special Frontier Force was issued under the authority of the Ministry of Defence which functions under the powers sanctioned by the President of India.

The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22: Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 had shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People's Republic of China.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This photo image shows Vice President Radhakrishnan at his New Delhi residence during 1960. The events from 1957 to 1962 shaped Indian foreign policy and it paved the way for alignment with the United States to oppose the military threat posed by the People’s Republic of China. I met President Radhakrishnan at his Mylapore, Madras(Chennai) residence after completion of his term of presidency in 1967. He prefers to read while relaxing in his bed. This is the image, I still carry in my memory.
Special Frontier Force-At Sarasawa.
The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment: This is a photo image taken at Sarasawa airfield that proudly displays the National Flag of Tibet. Special Frontier Force is a living military organization that is facing its future with hope and encouragement from the United States, India, and Tibet.

  

Whole Threat – Red China’s Imperialism poses a Global Threat

The Evil Red Empire poses a Global Threat

THE  EVIL  RED  EMPIRE -  RED  CHINA  -  IMPERIAL  POWER -  A  GLOBAL  THREAT  TO  PEACE :  RED  CHINA'S  $ 1 BILLION  HAIYANG - SHIYOU  OIL  RIG  981 .
THE EVIL RED EMPIRE – RED CHINA – IMPERIAL POWER – A GLOBAL THREAT TO PEACE : RED CHINA’S $ 1 BILLION HAIYANG – SHIYOU OIL RIG 981 .

During 1970-71, Nixon-Kissinger changed direction of US Foreign Policy that has consistently addressed the problem of Communism and the threat it posed to World Peace. Nixon-Kissinger utterly failed to evaluate dangers posed by Red China’s Expansionist Policy which is extending Chinese territory by conquering her weak neighbors like Tibet. Red China is using her economic and military power in forming and maintaining an Empire to control natural resources and thereby dominate world markets.

Red China’s Expansionism is imposing a severe stress and strain as weaker nations like Vietnam, and Philippines have to increase their defense spending in an attempt to safeguard their national interests.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment

The Washington Post

THE $1 BILLION CHINESE OIL RIG THAT HAS VIETNAM IN FLAMES

By ADAM TAYLOR May 14, 2014

http://Wapo.st/RQKpTz

Protests spurred by the planned construction of a Chinese oil rig in a disputed area of the South China Sea escalated Tuesday into Wednesday in Binh Duong province, Vietnam. (Sarah Parnass/The Washington Post)

Early Wednesday, protesters began looting and burning factories at industrial parks near Ho Chi Minh City, in what is being called the worst outbreak of public disorder in Vietnam for years. Up to 20,000 people had been involved in relatively peaceful protests on Tuesday in Binh Duong province, according to the Associated Press, but smaller groups of men later ran into foreign-owned factories and caused mayhem.

Although some of the factories were owned by companies from Taiwan and South Korea, they were not thought to be the real target of the protesters’ anger.

(Laris Karklis / The Washington Post)
Red China’s Expansionism is imposing a severe stress and strain as weaker nations like Vietnam, and Philippines have to increase their defense spending in an attempt to safeguard their national interests.

(Laris Karklis / The Washington Post)

That prize belongs to China and its now-infamous “nine-dash line.”

The protests were sparked when Beijing deployed an oil rig in waters claimed by Vietnam on May 1. The Haiyang Shiyou 981 now sits about 70 miles inside the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) that extends 200 miles from the Vietnamese shore as part of the 1982 U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The problem is that China doesn’t really care about Vietnam’s EEZ. What matters to Beijing is the nine-dash line: A loosely defined maritime claim based on historical arguments which China uses to claim much of the land mass in the South China Sea. That nine-dash line (which, as the name implies, looks like nine dashes on a map) runs remarkably close to Vietnam’s shoreline, and though its nature is imprecise, Beijing seems to claim economic rights within the line.

Beijing has been using maps featuring the line since the 1950s, but it was only in the late 1960s that the issue really became a problem, after a U.N. report concluded that the area has large hydrocarbon deposits.

It has caused big rifts between China and Vietnam, which have a complicated relationship at the best of times. In 1974, after attempts by the South Vietnamese government to expel Chinese fishing ships, the Chinese navy seized the historically unoccupied Paracel Islands after a short battle and has held them since, despite a 1988 skirmish that left more than 70 Vietnamese soldiers dead. China later built a city on the largest island in the archipelago, long claimed by Vietnam, and it appears to claim an EEZ around the islands which includes the location of the Haiyang Shiyou 981.

The nine-dash line isn’t a problem just for Vietnam. Going by its U-shaped curve, the larger group of the Spratly Islands also falls within Chinese territory, despite competing claims by the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan and Vietnam. The 200 or so mostly uninhabitable islands and rocks also are thought to be rich in oil and gas. In addition, China has a serious maritime dispute with Japan in the East China Sea.

A ship of Chinese Coast Guard is seen near Chinese oil rig Haiyang Shi You 981 in the South China Sea, about 210 km (130 miles) off shore of Vietnam May 14, 2014. Vietnamese ships were followed by Chinese vessels as they neared China's oil rig in disputed waters in the South China Sea on Wednesday, Vietnam's Coast Guard said. Vietnam has condemned as illegal the operation of a Chinese deepwater drilling rig in what Vietnam says is its territorial water in the South China Sea and has told China's state-run oil company to remove it. China has said the rig was operating completely within its waters. REUTERS/Nguyen Minh (POLITICS MARITIME ENERGY)
Red China’s Expansionism is imposing a severe stress and strain as weaker nations like Vietnam, and Philippines have to increase their defense spending in an attempt to safeguard their national interests.

A Chinese coast guard ship is seen near the Chinese oil rig Haiyang Shiyou 981 in the South China Sea, about 130 miles off Vietnam’s shore. (Nguyen Minh/Reuters)

Vietnam and China had shown some signs of rapprochement in recent years, signing an agreement in 2011 aimed at solving the South China Sea Disputes and Hanoi had already offered the waters near where the rig is sitting for exploration by energy companies. However, with the arrival of the oil rig – said to have cost $1 billion to produce – relations are looking their worst in years. The timing of the move is worth noting, coming shortly after President Obama’s trip to Asia and just before a recent meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

It’s a big problem for Vietnam, which is largely impotent in any battle against China. As a recent Washington Post Editorial noted, Vietnam lacks strong military ties with the United States and is ruled by a powerful Communist Party that includes a strong pro-Beijing faction. It can’t hope to compete with China’s navy, and Chinese President Xi Jinping has made it clear that he would use military strength to protect what he views as Chinese territory: A graphic example of that is the videos posted online last week that appeared to show the oil rig’s Chinese escort ramming and shooting water cannons at Vietnamese boats trying to stop the flotilla.

The protests within Vietnam seem to be a result of that impotence. Although unauthorized protests are rarely tolerated in Vietnam, the anti-China demonstrations seem to have the government’s blessing. The AP reports that signs have been handed out at protests that read : “We entirely trust the party, the government and the people’s army.”
It is unclear whether the violence Wednesday morning was part of the plan, however, and Hanoi may find itself torn between two difficult choices – facing the military and economic wrath of China or its own increasingly furious domestic audience.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this post incorrectly described the basis for China’s territorial claim there. China asserts sovereignty over land features in South China Sea that lie within a so-called nine dash line on Chinese maps; it does not assert a claim to all waters within that line. China’s assertion of a right to deploy the oil rig in its current location appears to be based a Chinese claim to the nearby Paracel Islands, not the waters themselves. The article also incorrectly stated the islands were historically unoccupied; in fact, they were once sparsely populated.

taylorad.jpg?ts=1401482429561&w=180&h=180

Adam Taylor writes about foreign affairs for The Washington Post. Originally from London, he studied at the University of Manchester and Columbia University.

The Washington Post

Red China’s Expansionism is imposing a severe stress and strain as weaker nations like Vietnam, and Philippines have to increase their defense spending in an attempt to safeguard their national interests.

Whole Boost – Boosting Happiness in Occupied Tibet

Boosting Happiness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet?

Boosting Happiness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question must be answered while standing on Tibetan soil while witnessing the reality of occupied Tibet.

In my opinion, happiness cannot be discovered by mind training. The mental experience of happiness demands correspondence with an external reality. The reality of Tibet is described by Occupation, Subjugation, Suppression, Oppression, and Tyranny. No amount of mind training will change that reality. To find happiness in Tibet, we need to free the mind from burdens imposed by foreign conquest. The path to happiness brings me to the problem of military occupation of Tibet. If it is possible, I shall choose selfless love to evict the military occupier of Tibet.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment

Boosting Happiness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question must be answered while standing on Tibetan soil while witnessing the reality of occupied Tibet.

DAILY MAIL

HAPPINESS: DALAI LAMA’S RIGHT-HAND MAN REVEALS THE KEY TO CONTENTMENT
Meet the happiest man in the world: The Dalai Lama’s right-hand
man reveals the key to contentment

Tibet Consciousness. Is there happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question has to be answered while standing on Tibetan soil witnessing an external reality. Matthieu Ricard on happiness.

By Jane Mulkerrins

Published: 19:03 EST, 28 November 2015 | Updated: 00:21 EST, 29 November 2015.

He has written bestselling books, led world finance leaders in meditation and been dubbed the most contented person on the planet.

But as geneticist-turned-Buddhist monk MATTHIEU RICARD tells Jane Mulkerrins, the secret to true happiness goes deeper than worldly successHappiness, Buddhist monk Matthieu Ricard insists, is something we can all achieve to a greater degree with ‘mind-training’While I may not have empirical evidence to back this up, I’d wager that New York City is one of the most selfish places on earth. Dominated by the buzz of Wall Street dollars, fuelled by the froth of the fashion industry, it’s a city obsessed with the twin pillars of power and wealth, and populated largely by ambitious individualists. There’s a strong history of philanthropy among the one per cent, but naming a library after oneself is hardly an act of selfless charity.

And yet, on a Monday evening in an elegant Manhattan museum, a well-heeled crowd of New Yorkers is giving a rock-star reception to a Tibetan Buddhist monk, who is here to preach on the transformative
value of altruism.

Brought up in Paris, Matthieu Ricard, 69, has been named ‘the happiest man in the world’, and is best known for his two bestselling
books The Art of Meditation and Happiness: A Guide to Developing Life’s Most Important Skill (Matthieu’s share of the proceeds goes to funding hospitals and schools in Tibet). In the latter, Matthieu presents the notion that our concept of happiness is flawed: true happiness is not a feeling of elation or euphoria; rather, it is ‘a deep sense of flourishing that arises from an exceptionally healthy mind – contentment rather than the collection of good times’.

TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS - IS THERE HAPPINESS IN OCCUPIED TIBET? CAN THIS FORMULA BOOST HAPPINESS OF TIBETANS FACING REALITY OF OCCUPATION IN DAILY LIVES? Matthieu Ricard on  Boosting Happiness.
Matthieu Ricard on Boosting Happiness. Boosting Happiness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question must be answered while standing on Tibetan soil while witnessing the reality of occupied Tibet.

In both books, he offers ways to train one’s brain, suggesting that
happiness – like meditation – can be learned. ‘Meditation is not a mere
relaxation method but a long-term cultivation of human qualities,’ he
says.In spite of spending much of his time sequestered in a Himalayan
hermitage, Matthieu – a former high-flying molecular geneticist and the son of a prominent French philosopher – has become an enormously influential figure internationally and a regular fixture at the World Economic Forum in Davos, where he leads masters of the financial universe in morning meditation.

TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS - IS THERE HAPPINESS IN OCCUPIED TIBET? THIS QUESTION HAS TO BE ANSWERED WHILE STANDING ON TIBETAN SOIL FACING REALITY OF RED CHINA'S OCCUPATION.Matthieu Ricard with Jane Mulkerrins.
Boosting Happiness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question must be answered while standing on Tibetan soil while witnessing the reality of occupied Tibet. Matthieu Ricard with Jane Mulkerrins.

‘I sometimes feel sad when sadness is the appropriate response,
for a disaster in Nepal… But sadness is not mutually exclusive with a
genuine sense of flourishing,’ said Matthieu (pictured with Jane
Mulkerrins)

He is the right-hand man of the Dalai Lama and one of his two TED
talks, on the habits of happiness, has been watched by more than five and a half million people.His writings on happiness and meditation have also led to his weighty new tome Altruism, described in a review by The Wall Street Journal as ‘a careful, detailed, hard-nosed assessment of what is needed both for individual happiness and for the welfare of the planet’.In an era defined by image, introspection and the selfie – which neatly sums up what Matthieu refers to as the ‘narcissistic epidemic’ – the notion of altruism might appear to have been abandoned by modern society. But running to more than 850 pages, and bringing together economics, evolution and environmental
challenges, as well as medicine and neuroscience, Matthieu’s Altruism: The Power of Compassion to Change Yourself and The World is a positive, polemical call to arms. ‘It is so rich, so diverse, and yes, so long, that it is best kept as an inspiring resource to be consulted over many years,’ advises the WSJ.

On stage this evening, dressed in his red robes, Matthieu admits that he never intended to produce such a hefty read. And he certainly never planned to write a book about the environment. ‘But in the end, it is
simply a matter of altruism versus selfishness,’ he says. ‘If a rhinoceros ran into the room now, you would all run away,’ he notes to the hugely attentive audience. ‘But if I say that a rhinoceros might be coming in 30 years, no one will do anything.’

Tibet Consciousness – Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question has to be answered while standing on Tibetan soil while Red Army is watching you. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.

A few days after his talk, I meet Matthieu at the exclusive Manhattan townhouse where he is staying during his week-long visit to the city, a four-floored brownstone belonging to Andrea Soros Colombel, the philanthropist daughter of billionaire investor George, who has a charity that has supported Tibetan culture and people for more
than 20 years. It feels incongruous to be meeting in a place of such wealth. A little later, when we leave the house together to take some photographs, Matthieu comments, with a chuckle, that the entrance vestibule is the size of his hermitage.As he sinks into a large grey armchair in the top-floor lounge, I ask how he copes with the frenetic pace of his speaking schedule. This week alone, he has given scores of presentations and talks to NGOs, at corporations including Google and alongside numerous luminaries such as Richard Gere and Arianna Huffington. ‘It’s temporary,’ he smiles beatifically and shrugs. ‘If it were a full-time job, I would quit.’

Later today, however, he will be making a diversion en route
back to Nepal, flying to his native France for three weeks to visit his
92-year-old mother, herself now a Buddhist nun who lives in the Dordogne.The Ricard family, it seems, are an impressive lot. Matthieu’s elder sister spent her career working with mute children, but at 42 years old was diagnosed with Parkinson’s. ‘She’s incredibly courageous, never complains, but she’s had a lot of suffering,’ says Matthieu.

Tibet Consciousness. is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question has to be answered while living under occupation on Tibetan soil. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.

At the Shechen Tennyi Dargyeling Monastery in Nepal, by contrast, he rises at 4am and meditates until daybreak. ‘Then I take tea on the balcony, watching the birds on the mountains,’ he says. After another meditation, he eats lunch and in the afternoon studies Tibetan texts. ‘Or, in the past few years, I’ve worked on my books.’ He meditates again until sunset, says prayers, and goes to bed early.

Tibet Consciousness – Is there happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question has to be answered while facing Red Army on Tibetan soil. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.

‘I love children. But the idea that I need to be their father? I don’t see the need for that,’ said Matthieu

For his part, Matthieu is witty and quick to laugh; the word twinkly
feels belittling to apply to one so spiritually enlightened, but he exudes calm, composed but playful charisma.Growing up in lofty circles in Paris – Matthieu’s father Jean-François Revel was a prominent philosopher and journalist and a former member of the French Resistance, while his mother Yahne le Toumelin was a painter – he was surrounded by artists and intellectuals. He first had lunch with the Russian composer Stravinsky aged just 16.

Was it, I ask, a completely secular upbringing? ‘Not completely,’
says Matthieu. ‘No religious practice, but from when I was about 14 my mother got into studying the Christian mystics. ‘Buddhism didn’t have much to offer at the time because there were not many good translations.’Matthieu is clearly fearsomely bright – though he wears it lightly – and speaks French, English and Tibetan fluently. ‘I learned Greek, Latin and German, which I forgot. And I used to speak fluent Spanish when I was a kid, which I also forgot,’ he says ruefully. ‘I was printing books in Delhi, so I know everything about printing in Hindi, but I could not have a conversation in it,’ he adds.

He is also an accomplished photographer, praised by the legendary Henri Cartier-Bresson, who said of his work, ‘Matthieu’s spiritual
life and his camera are one, from which spring these images, fleeting and eternal.’When Matthieu was 18, his parents separated (his father left his mother for the journalist Claude Sarraute), and Matthieu started studying to become a molecular biologist. But he felt that something was missing. ‘I didn’t know what. But it was some sort of aspiration. I could sense a potential, but I didn’t know where to look,’ he recalls, removing his round-rimmed glasses and cleaning them with a cloth he produces from the folds of his robes.Inspired by films about Tibetan monks made by his friend Arnaud Desjardins, Matthieu decided the place to look was India, and in 1972, aged 26, he left Paris for Darjeeling to study under Kangyur Rinpoche, a Tibetan master in the Nyingma tradition, the most ancient school of Buddhism. He remained in Darjeeling for seven years, during four of which he
never left his hermitage – a small hut on stilts, facing the mountains, with no electricity or running water. ‘It was the most peaceful, satisfying time of my life; I felt totally content,’ he sighs.

His father, while not impressed by his son’s decision to abandon his successful career for Buddhism, did not stand in his way. His mother, meanwhile, took a three-year retreat and followed her son into the faith.Matthieu still sees himself more as a scientist than a philosopher and believes that from a Buddhist perspective the contemplative or meditative tradition is a science of the mind.

Neuroscientist Richard Davidson at the University of Wisconsin-Madison conducted experiments on experienced meditators, each of whom had completed up to 50,000 hours of meditation, first when their brains were in a neutral state and then while meditating on generating a state of ‘unconditional loving kindness and compassion’. The results showed huge changes in brain activity between the two states, with Matthieu’s results showing the greatest difference they had ever measured, leading to him to being dubbed the ‘happiest man in the world’.

He, however, bats the title away. ‘There is no scientific basis to it; there is no happiness centre in the brain,’ he insists. ‘What we did at Madison was testing the effects of compassion and meditation. ‘It is true that it was of unprecedented magnitude,’ he concedes. ‘But what do they know about seven billion people? They have not all been measured.‘It’s not a terrible title,’ he admits, ‘but it sort of stuck like a piece of Scotch tape that you can’t get rid of.’But happiness,
he insists, is something we can all achieve to a greater degree with
‘mind-training. ‘Not everyone will play the piano like Rachmaninoff, but if you spend three years practising for half an hour a day, you will definitely enjoy playing the piano,’ he asserts.‘You may not be like Federer when you play tennis, but if you practise, you may fully enjoy playing tennis. Why not the same thing with human qualities? If you can become good at chess or music, why not at altruism and compassion?’ Just two weeks of practising compassion meditation increases pro-social behavior (showing kindness, volunteering, donating or cooperating) and reduces activity in the area of the brain associated with fear, he says.

Tibet Consciousness. Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? I am seeking Power of Compassion to uplift Red Army from Tibetan territory without giving them experience of pain and misery. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.

In studies conducted with children, who took part in mindfulness and cooperation exercises three times a week, their pro-social behavior increased exponentially. Such findings, Matthieu believes, prove the enormous potential meditation has to reduce discrimination and exclusion.And, as the book’s bold title claims, Matthieu also believes that greater altruism and compassion can improve our world beyond the individual level, too – at a cultural and societal level.‘Aristotle was a great philosopher, but he was in favor of slavery,’ he points out.‘Nobody is in favor of slavery any more. Did human beings change? No. Institutions changed.‘Culture is cumulative,’ he believes. ‘We don’t have to re-examine every generation. ‘Whether slavery is wrong and we should abolish it, or whether women should have the right to vote – that is acquired in our culture.’Matthieu likens it to ‘two knives sharpening. Individuals change culture, culture changes the individuals – and the next generation will change it again,’ he says.

Matthieu’s is a powerfully positive and inspirational message; does he ever feel unhappy, I wonder? ‘No, I don’t feel fundamentally unhappy,’ he says. ‘I sometimes feel sad when sadness is the appropriate response, for a disaster in Nepal or a massacre – how can you not feel sad? ‘But sadness is not mutually exclusive with a genuine sense of flourishing, because it gives rise to compassion; it gives rise to the
determination to do something,’ he asserts. Contrary though it may sound, ‘happiness shouldn’t always be pleasant,’ he says.

What about regrets, I ask.
Does he harbour any of those? ‘Regret?’ he cries, motioning around the expensively decorated mansion. ‘Every time I look at these things, I feel, wow, imagine the responsibility of taking care of this place.‘My teacher used to say if you have a horse, you have the suffering of having a horse. If you have a house, you have the suffering of having a house. So much trouble to fix the tap, the electricity…’ he chuckles.Has he ever regretted not having a family of his own?‘Absolutely no regret,’ he says firmly. ‘We have so many children in the monastery, and we have so many children in the school there. ‘I love children. But the idea that I need to be their father? I don’t see the need for that.’

Published by Associated Newspapers Ltd. Part of the Daily Mail, The Mail on Sunday & Metro Media Group© Associated Newspapers Ltd

Tibet Consciousness. is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? This question has to be answered while living under occupation on Tibetan soil. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.
TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS. IS THERE HAPPINESS IN OCCUPIED TIBET? WITH SELFLESS LOVE, I WOULD LOVE TO EVICT MILITARY OCCUPIER OF TIBET. MATTHIEU RICARD ON HAPPINESS.
TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS – IS THERE HAPPINESS IN OCCUPIED TIBET? MATTHIEU RICARD. PHOTO. PARO TAKTSANG.
TIBET CONSCIOUSNESS. IS THERE HAPPINESS IN OCCUPIED TIBET? MATTHIEU RICARD ON HAPPINESS.
Tibet Consciousness. Is there Happiness in Occupied Tibet? The Path to Happiness brings me to the problem of evicting the Military Occupier from Tibet. Matthieu Ricard on Happiness.

Whole Invitation – Life in Free Nation without Human Rights vs Imprisonment in China’s military prison

An invitation to accept Slavery or Imprisonment


In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

I claim that I am a ‘Refugee’ for I host ‘The Living Tibetan Spirits’ in my Consciousness. Living Tibetan Spirits represent the young Tibetan Soldiers who gave their precious lives during the Bangladesh Ops of 1971-72. They live in the hope of securing Freedom in Occupied Tibet.

Refugee is a person who is not entitled to the benefits of the Citizenship status in the country that hosts the Refugee. Very often, the Refugee Status may impose several conditions or terms under which it is approved. A Refugee can be deemed to be a ‘Slave’ if the Refugee has only the permission to live in bondage performing labor to earn his living. For example, the Refugee or Slave or Serf or Servant is not entitled to receive monetary benefits paid to citizens if they get old or disabled.



In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave on in Bondage in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada

Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment

In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

AN INVITATION TO DALAI LAMA

Clipped from: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/an-invitation-to-dalai-lama/792660.html

In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

Give up: The Dalai Lama has been asked to ‘relinquish all attachment to life’ and ‘live among Tibetans even though it may seem humbling. In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of bondage in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.

JAYADEVA RANADE 
President, Centre for China Analysis and Strategy

In the midst of mounting pressure from the US and steadily growing dissatisfaction with Chinese President Xi Jinping inside China, Beijing appears to be making a strategic overture to the exiled 84-year-old spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists, the Dalai Lama. This coincides with the increasing apprehension in the higher echelons of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) that the US and the West plan to resume support to the Tibetans and stir up trouble in China’s Tibetan-majority border province. It coincides, too, with the persistent rumor that has been circulating for months in Beijing that the Dalai Lama is rather unwell.

The first indicator of renewed thinking about reaching out to the Dalai Lama was an article authored by Zhu Weiqun and published on June 9 in the Global Times, a subsidiary of the official CCP mouthpiece, People’s Daily. Zhu is a senior recently retired Chinese Communist cadre who has stayed in close touch with Tibetan affairs and is well regarded in Beijing for his knowledge of Tibet-related affairs. The article assumes added significance as Zhu is a former executive vice-minister of the CCP Central Committee’s (CC) united front work department and till last year held a national-level post as chairman of the ethnic and religious affairs committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). He has participated in all 10 rounds of the ‘negotiations’ between the Dalai Lama’s representatives and the Chinese communist authorities between 2002 and 2010, when they were suspended, and has intimate knowledge of the CCP’s position on the Dalai Lama. Zhu seldom writes in the Chinese media.

Quite unusually, he stated in his article that he was responding to the US ambassador’s recent remark after a visit to Tibet, urging resumption of talks with the Dalai Lama and accused him of ‘interference in China’s internal affairs’. He also asserted that the CC ‘has not closed its door of contacts and negotiation with the Dalai Lama’. With this, he indirectly confirms that while contacts have been maintained with the Dalai Lama, negotiations of the type held earlier could now possibly be contemplated. He also reiterated China’s consistent position that it doesn’t recognize the ‘Tibetan government-in-exile’ or ‘Central Tibetan Administration’ and that the talks that have been held are neither ‘Tibetan-Han talks’ or ‘Tibetan-China talks’. He clarified that ‘the Dalai Lama must accept Tibet as an integral part of China, abandon all attempts about so-called Tibet independence, stop all separatist and destructive activities, and recognize Taiwan as an integral part of China’. Stating that the above issues ‘underline that there is no so-called Tibet issue’, he underscored it is ‘just the problem of the Dalai Lama’. These points reflected China’s position during the negotiations nine years ago between the Dalai Lama’s envoys and the united front work department that they were only discussing the Dalai Lama’s return to China!

Zhu’s article was followed by a more direct and blunt communication. This was the 680-word letter, published by the Korea Times on June 22, and addressed to the Dalai Lama by the Venerable Dongbong, head monk of the ninth-ranked Daegaksa Temple of the Jogye Order of Buddhism of South Korea. The Jogye Order, incidentally, has thus far not joined other Buddhist sects in requesting permission for the Dalai Lama’s visit to South Korea because of its sensitivity to China. In the unprecedented letter, which is being studied in the Dalai Lama’s office, Dongbong advised him to ‘go back to your Tibetan homeland so your body may be interred there’. Adding that  ‘at the age of 83, Your Holiness has lived longer than the Buddha’, it asked him to ‘relinquish all attachment to life as the Buddha taught’ and ‘to live among Tibetans is the way you should walk to the end of your life, even though it may seem humbling to you’. During an interview with Korea Times, he said: ‘Time is running against’ the Dalai Lama. ‘If he dies outside his old Tibet home, not being able to reach his people and hold their hands, his death will be the death of a great religious leader and nothing more. It will not bring any difference in Tibetan independence history.’

In the months leading up to these overtures to the Dalai Lama, the Chinese communist authorities have stepped up security measures in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and adjoining Tibetan areas. The annual budget of the TAR’s public security apparatus was enhanced by the National People’s Congress in March 2019 by 8.3 per cent. Party surveillance has been expanded with a party cadre presently deployed in each of the 5,453 villages and a distinct focus on ‘political education’ and propaganda, especially among monks and nuns in monasteries. The concerns of the senior party echelons were articulated late last year by Wu Sikang, director of the policy research office of Shenzhen municipal government, in an ‘internal’ document. He warned that the US had increased financial aid to Tibetans from this year to $17 million and that the amount allocated for Tibet-related activities in India and Nepal have been doubled. Beijing has long apprehended that Nepal would be used by ‘hostile foreign powers’ as a launch pad for anti-China activities.

A positive response to these overtures by the Dalai Lama would bring some relief for Jinping from the pressure being exerted by the US, troubles in Hong Kong and spreading domestic dissatisfaction. Tibet has long been portrayed as one of China’s ‘core issues’ and Jinping would be able to claim a degree of success in achieving the ‘reunification of the great Chinese nation’ projected in the China Dream. The question is, what can the Dalai Lama hope to get if he returns?

In my analysis, the ‘Invitation’ asking this Refugee to return to China simply represents an Agreement to accept imprisonment rather than living the life of a Slave in the host nation. It is like choosing between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea.


 

Whole Equilibrium – The Future of Red China’s Evil Power

Tibet Equilibrium – The Future of the Evil Power in Occupied Tibet

THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET – I SHARE THE PROPHECY OF BEIJING’S DOOM.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER – THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER. DOOMSAYER OF DOOM DOOMA SHARES PROPHECY OF ISAIAH 47:10 & 11.

Red China wants to sustain her military occupation of Tibet by controlling and manipulating Tibetan cultural practices that play a role in the selection of the next Dalai Lama. In my analysis, the future of Red China’s Evil Power is already decided by prophecy shared by Prophet Isaiah in The Old Testament Book, Isaiah, Chapter 47, verses 10 and 11:

“You have trusted in your wickedness
and have said, ‘No one sees me.’
Your wisdom and knowledge mislead you
when you say to yourself,
‘I am, and there is none beside me.’

Disaster will come upon you,
and you will not know how to conjure it away.
A calamity will fall upon you
that you cannot ward off with a ransom;
a catastrophe you cannot foresee
will suddenly come upon you.”

At Special Frontier Force, I am known as ‘Doomsayer of Doom Dooma’ for I predict Beijing’s Doom. There is no one to save Red China when this catastrophe suddenly comes upon her.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA

BROWN POLITICAL REVIEW

RULE BY REINCARNATION : CHINA AND THE NEXT DALAI LAMA

BY MILI MITRA, NOVEMBER 1, 2015

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER – FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER. RED CHINA WANTS TO PERPETUATE HER RULE OVER TIBET BY CONTROLLING AND MANIPULATION REINCARNATION OF DALAI LAMA. BEIJING IS DOOMED FOR HER INTENTIONS ARE EVIL.

In the last decade, China has become a juggernaut in international politics. It is undoubtedly the dominant force in Asia and faces scant challenge from other regional powers. However, Beijing still faces internal opposition from dissidents, especially in Xinjiang Province and Tibet. The autonomous region of Tibet in particular is known for its robust and lasting resistance to Chinese rule. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has attempted to control the region since 1951. Now, China’s most recent efforts have taken an unexpected form: They are relying on the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. Beijing seems to subscribe to the belief that a more cooperative Dalai Lama would help undercut Tibetan opposition and gain hegemony over the region. Needless to say, this plan is as unrealistic as it is absurd.

Beijing’s historical relationship with Tibet is conflicted and troubled. Tibet was incorporated into CCP-led China in 1951. CCP leader Mao Zedong wished to unite China after a turbulent century of weak Qing emperors, feuding warlords and the Japanese invasion. In October 1950, the Chinese army crossed into Tibet and defeated its Tibetan counterparts. Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, sent representatives to Beijing to negotiate, leading to the signing of the 17-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. The pact made Tibet a part of China but gave it a measure of autonomy. There was some oversight from the national government, but the Tibetan government had more power than any other provincial government.

The Tibetan aristocracy and government were funded in part by China. The CCP also funded the development of infrastructure and organized land reforms. It seemed to be a mutually beneficial treaty, but many of these advantages failed to materialize for Tibet due to Chinese duplicity. Despite these promises, the CCP remained uncomfortable with Tibet’s partial autonomy and unique cultural heritage. Chinese leaders feared that Tibetan spirituality — and indeed, loyalty to the Dalai Lama — would undermine their own power. They endeavored to dilute the local culture, a process now known as the “Sinicization of Tibet.” Rituals and traditions are integral to Tibetan society, but the Chinese government worked to suppress local festivals and religious customs.

To counter the dominance of Tibetan Buddhists in the region, Beijing also sent thousands of Han Chinese, the largest ethnic group in the country, to intermarry with Tibetans. As one would expect, these decisions only exacerbated cultural tensions. Overall, the CCP’s overbearing attempts to control Tibet won them few supporters and antagonized the majority of the local population. Ultimately, the Tibetan people tired of these oppressive tactics and launched the 1959 Tibetan Uprising. The rebellion failed, resulting in at least 10,000 deaths and the exile of the Dalai Lama to northern India.

Ever since, China’s rule in Tibet has been fraught with instability and local opposition. The Chinese government has tried a variety of tactics to win Tibetan support but has finally come to the conclusion that it needs the support of the Dalai Lama. And since it can’t win the approval of the current Dalai Lama, it wants to collaborate with his next incarnation. This plan may sound far-fetched, but China’s schemes are based on a shrewd — if misguided — premise. Beijing has long realized that the Dalai Lama holds an unparalleled sway over the Tibetan people, even in exile. His influence as a spiritual and political leader cannot be overstated. The current Dalai Lama would never agree to cooperate with Beijing; he has long demanded Tibetan independence and is a figurehead for dissidents in the region. Even in exile, the Dalai Lama is an omnipresent figure in the Tibetan cultural and political consciousness. But as he ages, the Chinese government believes his successor might be more compliant.

Since China can’t win the approval of this Dalai Lama, they want to collaborate with his next incarnation.

In fact, China is reluctant to leave this to chance. The boy selected to be the next Dalai Lama will be reared in Tibetan Buddhist traditions and will likely feel the same way as the present Dalai Lama. To ensure that the next spiritual leader will align with its goals, Beijing wishes to oversee the selection process; in other words, it wants to select a Dalai Lama more sympathetic to its goals. In a morbid twist, it sees the Dalai Lama’s passing as an opportunity to instate a puppet leader, a figurehead who would be raised in Beijing and taught to adhere to the party line.

The process to identify the next Dalai Lama is complex and intriguing. A group of senior monks, called High Lamas of the Gelugpa tradition, and the Tibetan government are responsible for identifying their next spiritual leader. The search begins with the High Lamas interpreting their dreams or visions. If the previous Dalai Lama was cremated, as is generally the case, the smoke from his cremation might indicate the direction in which they should look. They then use these signals to find boys born around the time of death of the previous leader. The boys are then asked to identify objects that belonged to the former Dalai Lama. If several boys are found who satisfy the conditions, as is typically the case, they consult the servants of the former Dalai Lama. In the rare case when there are still multiple boys that pass all these tests, they place the names in an urn and hold a public draw.

The Dalai Lama — along with the majority of Tibetans — believes that Beijing’s involvement in the selection process would undermine the sanctity of the religion and lead to further conflict. This is substantiated by a similar case in 1995: the selection of the Panchen Lama. The Panchen Lama is the second highest ranking in Tibetan Buddhism and is “found” in much the same way as the Dalai Lama. The committee of high monks had selected a candidate, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, and the Dalai Lama endorsed their decision. However, the Chinese government insisted on holding a draw after which Gyaincain Norbu was chosen as the 11th Panchen Lama. Gedhun Choekyi Nyima was immediately taken away by Chinese officials and has been missing ever since. Tibetans were horrified by the Chinese ploy and have refused to accept Gyaincain Norbu as the Panchen Lama. There are still calls from the international community to free Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, but China has disregarded these requests. As a result of Chinese intervention, Tibet’s “true” Panchen Lama has not been seen in over 20 years.

Perhaps with an eye on the past, the current Dalai Lama once again chose to defy the Chinese government. He has announced that he will consider whether he will reincarnate and continue the tradition in 2024. As he told the BBC, he would rather have no Dalai Lama than a “stupid” one. He went on to explain that it might be better to dissolve the influential position rather than to wait for a future Dalai Lama who could “disgrace” himself. His comments imply that he is aware of the prospect of Chinese intervention in selecting his successor and is reluctant to leave his legacy in such hands. He also acknowledged that his role might become less relevant in time. In response, Beijing has hit out at his statements, claiming his attitude was “frivolous.” Not one to shy away from a war of words, the Dalai Lama pointed out, “Chinese officials [seem] more concerned with the future Dalai Lama than me.” The Chinese government’s fixation with the next Dalai Lama is certainly questionable, but it is wrong to assume that the Dalai Lama has not given the matter much thought. He is a shrewd political player and knows how to bring out the worst in the Communist Party. There are several possible motivations behind the Dalai Lama weighing whether or not to reincarnate. Some see it as a means of ensuring the position’s prestige and spiritual authority is not tainted by dirty politics. Others, including Jia Xiudong of the China Institute of International Studies in Beijing, believe he is “playing a political game.” They see his announcement as a way to put pressure on China and ensure that it respects Tibetan traditions and autonomy.

Nonetheless, the Chinese government has emerged from this episode looking ridiculous — a common outcome in their dealings with the Dalai Lama. Regardless of whether the Dalai Lama decides to reincarnate or not, it will be interesting to see how the Free Tibet movement — and indeed, Tibet-China relations — progresses without the Dalai Lama leading the international conversation. Despite his apparent humility, he has shaped Tibetan identity over the last half-century and has become virtually synonymous with the Free Tibet movement. His passing would leave a power vacuum in Tibetan politics for at least a decade, simultaneously making the region more vulnerable to Chinese influence and more volatile to shocks and triggers.

If Beijing wants to maintain regional peace, it should tread very carefully in its positions with the current and future Dalai Lama. A senior Obama Administration official predicted that this process of transition would be reminiscent of the Avignon Papacy, a period of conflict between different Catholic authorities that almost destabilized all of Europe in the fourteenth century. If Beijing intervenes and selects its own candidate, it will likely cause widespread dissent and conflict in Tibet. The Tibetan people are wary of Chinese involvement and will distrust any decision in which Beijing has the upper hand. The Communist Party might believe that they would reduce hostility by choosing a cooperative Dalai Lama, but their intrusion could quite well incite outright rebellion. Either way, the selection of the next Dalai Lama, if it takes place at all, will undoubtedly be a dramatic turning point in Tibetan history. All we can do is wait and watch as the spectacle unfolds.

Copyright 2015 Brown Political Review
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER - FUTURE OF RED CHINA'S EVIL POWER. RED CHINA IS DOOMED AS A CONSEQUENCE OF HER OWN EVIL ACTIONS. NO ONE CAN SAVE RED CHINA INCLUDING THE NEXT DALAI LAMA.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER – FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER. BEIJING IS DOOMED. NO ONE INCLUDING THE NEXT DALAI LAMA CAN SAVE RED CHINA.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER – FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER. BEIJING IS DOOMED. BODHISATTVA AVALOKITESVARA IS UNWILLING TO SAVE RED CHINA FOR SHE IS EVIL.
Tibet Consciousness – Red China Slays Tibet with the Sword – Red China Must be Killed with the Sword. No Exceptions to the Golden Rule – The Book of Revelation 13:10
THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET – I SHARE THE PROPHECY OF BEIJING’S DOOM.
THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET – I SHARE THE PROPHECY OF BEIJING’S DOOM.
THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET – I SHARE THE PROPHECY OF BEIJING’S DOOM.
THE FUTURE OF RED CHINA’S EVIL POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET – I SHARE THE PROPHECY OF BEIJING’S DOOM.

Whole Equilibrium – Restoring the Balance of Power in Occupied Tibet

Tibet Equilibrium – Balance of Power in Tibet

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL THE BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER WITH INDIAN PRESIDENT DR BABU RAJENDRA PRASAD AT RASHTRAPATI BHAVAN, NEW DELHI. TIBET, INDIA, AND THE US WORK TOGETHER TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. PHOTO TAKEN IN DECEMBER 1959.

Balance of Power refers to the distribution of military and economic power among nations that is sufficiently even to keep any one of them from being too strong or dangerous. The term ‘Balance’ describes a state of equilibrium or equipoise, equality in power between two nations. Red China’s economic and military power is far greater than power of Tibet and hence there is no equilibrium in Tibet. Red China’s overwhelming economic and military power has serious consequences to all nations in her neighborhood. To restore this Balance of Power, Tibet has willingly joined a larger group by allying with India, and the United States. Special Frontier Force is a military organization that represents Tibet’s alliance with India and USA. While Red China demands “stability” in Occupied Tibet, Tibet and the alliance partners reject Red China’s demand for it will not resolve the problem of Balance of Power. To the same extent, Red China has rejected Tibet’s demand for meaningful autonomy or “Middle Way” as a means to restore Tibet Equilibrium.

Most of my readers know that CIA takes orders from the Executive Branch of Power called US Presidency. The other two branches of Power are known as the US Congress (Legislative Power) and the US Supreme Court (Judicial Power) and the Balance of Power between these three branches is maintained by the US Constitution. CIA has no external source of funding for its activities. The US Congress approves National Budget for  funding requests submitted by the Executive Branch. Hotel Mount Annapurna in Nepal that supported CIA operation,  was funded by US President Richard M Nixon and American citizens, the taxpayers who provide funds to the Government for further use as allocated by a Budget plan duly approved by representatives of elected by people and signed into a Law by the US President. I categorically affirm that all CIA operations to help Tibetan freedom fighters are funded by the US Congress and Budget Laws signed by the US President. I thank US President Dwight David Eisenhower and the US Congress for supporting Tibetan Resistance Movement to counteract Red China’s Evil Power.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment

The CIA’s Secret Himalayan Hotel for Tibetan Guerillas

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM - BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. I THANK US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER AND THE US CONGRESS FOR THEIR SUPPORT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

NOLAN W PETERSON @nolanwpeterson October 30, 2015

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA IN NEPAL OPENED IN 1973, WITH FUNDING SANCTIONED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was opened in 1973 as part of a CIA program to rehabilitate former Tibetan guerillas. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

POKHARA, Nepal—It’s been 43 years since the CIA cut off support to the Tibetan guerillas that the agency trained and armed to fight a covert war against China. Yet, a monument to the CIA’s secret war in Tibet is still standing in Pokhara, Nepal.

The former Hotel Mount Annapurna building sits on a quiet side street off the Pokhara airport. Established in 1972 with CIA funds, the hotel was meant to give former Tibetan resistance fighters based in Nepal’s nearby Mustang region a livelihood and a future as they laid down their arms and transitioned to life as refugees.

Tibetan guerillas and their families ran the hotel until it closed in 2010. Today, the Hotel Mount Annapurna building is a nursing school. The aging concrete structure with 1960s lines looks tired and nondescript. Paint is peeling off the exterior walls. The once lush and well manicured landscaping is overgrown and wilted. This relic of the CIA’s secret Cold War guerilla campaign in Tibet is now locked behind a rusting metal gate and easily overlooked. It is in a part of town into which tourists rarely venture.

The area around the Pokhara airport was prime real estate in the 1970s. But business slowly dried up as Pokhara’s tourism center of gravity shifted to the Phewa Lake shoreline to accommodate waves of hippies and trekkers. The Lodrik Welfare Fund—an NGO that former Tibetan resistance fighters created in 1983 to provide welfare for veterans and their families—currently owns the property and rents it out to the Gandaki Medical College.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA WAS FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON in 1973. NOW IS RENTED TO A MEDICAL SCHOOL. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

The former hotel is now a nursing school. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“This used to be the best spot, but we shut down because there was no business,” said Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. His father was a Mustang resistance fighter.
Gyatso was born in Pokhara in 1972. He worked at the Hotel Mount Annapurna from 1989 to 2010 and was the hotel’s manager at the time it shut down.

Gyatso currently works next door to the former hotel property out of the same offices that were a command center for the Mustang resistance in the 1960s and 1970s—the office he works in was opened in 1962 for the resistance movement. “My father worked in this very office when he was an intelligence officer for the resistance,” Gyatso said.

OVERLOOKED LEGACY

Today there are few visible clues to the former hotel’s guerilla heritage. In the lobby there is a framed poster of Mt. Kailas (the most holy mountain in Tibet), which is hanging next to a painting of the hotel in its glory days. There is also a painted mural on the wall of the main stairwell, the imagery of which pays homage to the fighting spirit of Tibet’s resistance fighters.

The security guard at the gate offered a confused look when asked about the building’s Cold War history. Younger shop owners on the adjacent street shrugged their shoulders politely and said they knew nothing about Tibetan resistance fighters. A few older shop owners, however, acknowledged the hotel used to be run by “Khampas”—a reference to Tibet’s Kham region, which is known for its warriors and bandits and was the birthplace of Tibet’s guerilla campaign after the 1950 Chinese invasion.

Those who knew about the hotel’s past, however, were reluctant to talk about it. Questions about the CIA and Tibetan resistance movement spurred worried looks and anxious body language. One older shop owner, a Sherpa from the Solukhumbu region near Mt. Everest, offered an explanatory hint when he claimed pressure from Maoist rebels during Nepal’s civil war (1996-2006) forced the hotel to shut down. As proof, he pointed to Maoist graffiti on a wall across from the hotel’s entrance.
“They’re bullies,” the old Sherpa said, speaking about Maoist rebels. “And they didn’t get along with the Khampas.”

Maoist rebel graffiti outside the former Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

Gyatso disputes the claim, however, and insists that a struggling bottom line forced the hotel’s closure. “We have a friendly relationship with the Maoists,” Gyatso said. “Some of them stayed in the hotel. I know many old Tibetans think communists are the enemy, but we never had a problem with them.”

Gyatso did acknowledge, however, that Communist labor unions contributed to the hotel’s demise. The hotel initially employed only Tibetans, but pressure from unions spurred the hotel to ultimately employ a mix of Tibetans and Nepalese. At its height, the hotel had about 40 employees. But as business tapered in the 1990s and early 2000s, Gyatso said the unions tied his hands when he tried to streamline staff and cut down on expenses.

“The Unified Marxist-Leninist Party workers union gave us a lot of trouble,” he said. “They demanded a lot and basically put us out of business.”

The Lodrik Welfare Fund is an evolution of the Mustang resistance bureaucracy, which is now dedicated to welfare, not armed insurgency. While the hotel was operational, it generated revenue for the Lodrik Welfare Fund to finance schools and public works for Tibetan refugees around Pokhara and to provide benefits for Tibetan resistance veterans. Now only a thin slice of revenue from the building’s rent goes toward the NGO’s welfare projects. The majority of funding comes from foreign sponsors—many of whom are anonymous Americans.

The CIA did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether it was still providing any support for the veterans of the Mustang resistance living around Pokhara. But Gyatso said there was no ongoing U.S. government support for the guerilla fighter veterans or their descendants.

“There’s no official U.S. support,” Gyatso said. “But of course the U.S. should help us. They used us to fight China for them and then they dropped us on the spot. They should do something for us.”

NO MORE BAD BLOOD

The CIA began training and arming Tibetan guerillas in 1957. Initially, the Tibetan resistance fighters, called the Chushi-Gangdruk, were based inside Tibet. But in the 1960s groups of fighters also set up bases in Nepal’s Mustang region, from which they conducted raids across the border into China.

The Mustang resistance, as the Nepal-based fighters came to be known, were supported by CIA funds until 1972, when President Richard Nixon normalized relations with China and the CIA’s Tibetan operation (in Nepal) ended. The Mustang resistance continued without U.S. support until 1974, when Nepal, bowing to pressure from China, sent soldiers into the arid Himalayan region to root out the Tibetan guerillas.

The Hotel Mount Annapurna was the CIA’s olive branch to the Mustang fighters, attempting to give the former guerrillas (many of whom had no education or professional skills beyond soldiering) a chance to make a livelihood as they transitioned to (their former) life as refugees.

TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. TSULTRIM GYATSO, FORMER MANAGER OF HOTEL MOUNT ANNAPURNA FUNDED BY US PRESIDENT RICHARD M. NIXON. Photo. Nolan Peterson. The Daily Signal.

Tsultrim Gyatso, chairman of the Lodrik Welfare Fund and former manager of the Hotel Mount Annapurna. (Photo: Nolan Peterson/The Daily Signal)

“After surrender, it took at least 15 years before the soldiers could finally reintegrate into normal life,” Gyatso said. “The CIA was good in the beginning, but they abandoned us.”

Today, resistance fighter veterans and their descendants still do not have Nepalese citizenship, and most do not have paperwork identifying them as refugees—making it impossible to travel abroad, get a driver’s license, open a bank account or start a business. They live in refugee camps around Pokhara and are largely dependent on welfare for their survival.
“Babies don’t even have birth certificates,” Gyatso said. “We just need a paper to identify ourselves so we can work.”

The Mustang resistance raids ultimately did little to seriously damage China’s occupation of Tibet, but the intelligence Tibetan fighters gathered was sometimes of great value to the United States. A raid on a Chinese convoy in 1961, for example, killed a Chinese regimental commander and provided the CIA with what it later referred to as the “bible” on Chinese military intelligence.

A faction of Mustang resistance fighters under the command of Baba Yeshi collaborated with Nepal in 1974 by giving up their compatriots’ positions, clearing the way for an operation that killed many Tibetan guerillas, including their CIA-trained commander, General Gyato Wangdu. Yeshi’s Tibetan collaborators went on to create prosperous carpet-making enterprises in Kathmandu. And unlike the descendants of the Mustang resistance fighters around Pokhara, the descendants of the Tibetan collaborators enjoy Nepalese citizenship, according to Gyatso.

Yet, Gyatso added, there is no more bad blood between the descendants of the Mustang resistance and those who betrayed them.
“There are no more divides between factions of the Mustang resistance,” Gyatso said. “We are all Tibetan. The history is there, yes. But we are all against the Chinese. Bad things happened, and His Holiness (the Dalai Lama) has forgiven them.”

Portrait of Nolan Peterson@nolanwpeterson

NOLAN PETERSON

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signal’s foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

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TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER APPROVED FUNDING OF TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT WITH INDIA AND TIBET AS US PARTNERS.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET. 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER SANCTIONED FUNDS FOR SUPPORTING TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. RED CHINA’S ECONOMIC AND MILITARY POWER IMPOSES A HUGE IMBALANCE OF POWER IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER TOOK EXECUTIVE ACTION TO CORRECT THIS IMBALANCE.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. A SPECIAL TRIBUTE TO 34th US PRESIDENT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER FOR HIS PARTNERSHIP WITH TIBET AND INDIA TO RESTORE BALANCE OF POWER IN TIBET.Photo by Bachrach. 1952.
TIBET EQUILIBRIUM – BALANCE OF POWER IN OCCUPIED TIBET. THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM WILL EXIST UNTIL THE BALANCE OF POWER IS RESTORED IN OCCUPIED TIBET.

Whole Regret – The Missed Opportunity to resist the spread of Communism

On the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, the Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

On Wednesday, June 4, 2025, the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past; the spread of Communism to mainland China in 1949.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

Today, on Wednesday, June 04, 2025 The Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s decision to pursue the policy of Isolationism while confronting the grave threat posed by Communist takeover of mainland China. In 1943, Tibet had the opportunity to establish formal diplomatic relationships with the United States and other countries of Free World to prevent the spread of Communism to Asia.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment regrets Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism in 1943

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

CALLS FOR CHINA TO FACE GHOSTS OF ITS PAST ON TIANANMEN ANNIVERSARY

Clipped from: https://www.voanews.com/a/calls-for-china-to-face-ghosts-of-its-past-on-tiananmen-anniversary/4423377.html

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

FILE – A Chinese man stands alone to block a line of tanks heading east on Beijing’s Cangan Boulevard in Tiananmen Square, June 5, 1989.

BEIJING —

The United States has added its voice to international calls for China’s communist-led government to give a full public accounting of those who were killed, detained or went missing during the violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations in and around Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.

In a bold statement from Washington to mark the 29th anniversary of a bloody crackdown that left hundreds — some say thousands — dead, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called on Chinese authorities to release “those who have been jailed for striving to keep the memory of Tiananmen Square alive; and to end the continued harassment of demonstration participants and their families.”

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

University students place flowers on the “Pillar of Shame” statue, a memorial for those injured and killed in the Tiananmen crackdown, at the University of Hong Kong, June 4, 2018.

To this day, open discussion of the topic remains forbidden in China and the families of those who lost loved ones continue to face oppression. Chinese authorities have labeled the protests a counter-revolutionary rebellion and repeatedly argued that a clear conclusion of the events was reached long ago.

In an annual statement on the tragedy, the group Tiananmen Mothers urged President Xi Jinping in an open letter to “re-evaluate the June 4th massacre” and called for an end to their harassment.

“Each year when we would commemorate our loved ones, we are all monitored, put under surveillance, or forced to travel” to places outside of China’s capital, the letter said. The advocacy group Human Rights in China released the open letter from the Tiananmen Mothers ahead of the anniversary.

“No one from the successive governments over the past 29 years has ever asked after us, and not one word of apology has been spoken from anyone, as if the massacre that shocked the world never happened,” the letter said.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

FILE – A woman reacts during a candlelight vigil to mark the 28th anniversary of the crackdown of the pro-democracy movement at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, China June 4, 2017.

In his statement, Pompeo also said that on the anniversary “we remember the tragic loss of innocent lives,” adding that as Liu Xiaobo wrote in his 2010 Nobel Peace Prize speech, “the ghosts of June 4th have not yet been laid to rest.”

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

FILE – Liu Xia, wife of deceased Chinese Nobel Peace Prize-winning dissident Liu Xiaobo and other relatives attend his sea burial off the coast of Dalian, China, in this photo released by Shenyang Municipal Information Office July 15, 2017.

Liu was unable to receive his Nobel prize in person in 2010 and died in custody last year. The dissident writer played an influential role in the Tiananmen protests and was serving an 11-year sentence for inciting subversion of state power when he passed.

At a regular press briefing on Monday, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said China had lodged “stern representations” with the United States over the statement on Tiananmen.

“The United States year in, year out issues statements making ‘gratuitous criticism’ of China and interfering in China’s internal affairs,” Hua said. “The U.S. Secretary of State has absolutely no qualifications to demand the Chinese government do anything,” she added.

In a statement on Twitter, which is blocked in China like many websites, Hu Xijin, the editor of the party-backed Global Times, called the statement a “meaningless stunt.”

In another post he said: “what wasn’t achieved through a movement that year will be even more impossible to be realized by holding whiny commemorations today.”

Commemorations for Tiananmen are being held across the globe to mark the anniversary and tens of thousands are expected to gather in Hong Kong, the only place in China such large-scale public rallies to mark the incident can be held.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

A man wipes the face of a statue of the Goddess of Democracy at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park Monday, June 4, 2018.

Exiled Tiananmen student protest leader Wu’Er Kaixi welcomed the statement from Pompeo.

However, he added that over the past 29 years western democracies appeasement of China has nurtured the regime into an imminent threat to freedom and democracy.

“The world bears a responsibility to urge China, to press on the Chinese regime to admit their wrongdoing, to restore the facts and then to console the dead,” he said. “And ultimately to answer the demands of the protesters 29 years ago and put China on the right track to freedom and democracy.”

Wu’er Kaixi fled China after the crackdown and now resides in Taiwan where he is the founder of Friends of Liu Xiaobo. The group recently joined hands with several other non-profit organizations and plans to unveil a sculpture in July — on the anniversary of his death — to commemorate the late Nobel laureate. The sculpture will be located near Taiwan’s iconic Taipei 101 skyscraper.

In Taiwan, the self-ruled democracy that China claims is a part of its territory, political leaders from both sides of the isle have also urged China’s communist leaders to face the past.

On Facebook, Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen noted that it was only by facing up to its history that Taiwan has been able to move beyond the tragedies of the past.

“If authorities in Beijing can face up to the June 4th incident and acknowledge that at its roots it was a state atrocity, the unfortunate history of June 4th could become a cornerstone for China to move toward freedom and democracy,” Tsai said.

Tsai’s predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, a member of the opposition Nationalist Party or KMT, who saw close ties with China while in office, also urged Beijing to face up to history and help heal families’ wounds.

“Only by doing this can the Chinese communists bridge the psychological gap between the people on both sides of the [Taiwan] Strait and be seen by the world as a real great power,” Ma said.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.

The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China. Special Frontier Force Reviews Hump Airlift Operation 1942 – 1945. The Legacy of the Hump Operation lives to this day.

Whole Vesak – A pilgrim’s journey in search of Freedom

A pilgrim in search of a free nation. I am a refugee and who is my refuge?

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.
On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Buddha Purnima, is an auspicious day that marks the birth anniversary of Gautam Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. It is believed that this was also the day he attained enlightenment. Buddha Purnima falls on a full moon night, usually between April and May. This year it will be observed on Monday, May 12. Also known as Buddha Jayanti or Vaisakhi Buddha Purnima or Vesak.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Buddha Purnima is based on the Asian lunisolar calendar. It is celebrated with great fervour in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet and numerous other South East Asian countries including Thailand, China, Korea, Laos, Vietnam, Mongolia, Cambodia and Indonesia.

What is the difference between refuge and refugee?

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

As nouns the difference between refuge and refugee is that refuge being a state of safety, protection or shelter while refugee is a person seeking refuge in a foreign country out of fear of political persecution or the prospect of such persecution in his home country, i.e., a person seeking a political asylum. Some persons who need safety, protection or shelter may live in a foreign country without applying for political asylum.

On May 24, 1956, I was in Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, India. I went to the Indian Posts & Telegraphs Office on Kutchery Street to buy the First Day Cover issued in celebration of 2500th Buddha Jayanti.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

On that Day, I was not aware that I would fail to see the brightness of the Full Moon on Monday, May 12, 2025. I see darkness. I see gloom. I learned the art of controlling my mind. I learned the art of self-discipline. Yet, I do not experience freedom while living in a free country.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

My Life’s Journey began in Mylapore, Madras, Chennai, India. Amongst other places, my Service in the Indian Army Medical Corps took me to Establishment-22 at Chakrata, Dehradun District, Uttarakhand on September 22, 1971. After successful execution of a military operation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts during October 1971 to January 1972, I was posted Delta Sector of Vikas Regiment. I performed this Journey in a transport plane shared by the US and landed in a US built airfield in Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam, India during February 1972 prior to the US President Richard M Nixon’s visit to Peking. While I was serving in D Sector, Establishment-22 in Doom Dooma, I got married in January 1973. I served in Vikas Regiment during the presidency of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Eventually, I arrived in Ann Arbor, Michigan in 1986 without knowing that the US President Gerald Ford lived in Ann Arbor as a student. It’s not the end of the story. It’s the beginning of my journey as a slave in a free country.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

I find myself living and surviving inside the belly of a Big Fish or a Great Whale. Prophet Jonah survived his ordeal just for three days and three nights. The Son of Man remained in the heart of the earth just for three days, and three nights. For me the end is not in sight for I am living under a very dark shadow, inside the belly of a Big Fish or a Great Whale without the hope of seeing light at the end of the tunnel.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

In my analysis, I am a person in need of Refuge, Shelter, or Protection. I performed my Life Journey under shadow, the darkness of secrecy seeking a false sense of security. I need to break the shackles of secrecy to declare that I am a Refugee. As I am trapped, I can’t go to the Buddha for refuge, I can’t go the Dhamma for refuge, and I can’t go the Sangha for refuge. Who is my Refuge? To Whom, I should address my Petition? If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup of agony from me.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup away from me.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Buddha Purnima: Significance of Buddha’s Teachings

Clipped from: https://in.style.yahoo.com/buddha-purnima-significance-buddha-teachings-043009143.html

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Buddha Purnima : Significance of Buddha’s Teachings

Buddha Purnima or Buddha Jayanti is celebrated with great enthusiasm among the Buddhist community as it is one of their most important and sacred festivals. The festival also known as Vesak as it is observed on a full moon in the month Vaisakha, marks the birth of Buddha, the day of his enlightenment as well as the day he entered nirvana and left his human body form.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

This year, Buddha Purnima falls on May 12, which is a Monday.

However, it should be noted that different Buddhist communities may celebrate Buddha Purnima on different dates provided there are two full moons in the month of May.

The significance of this day can be understood by the events it upholds. Legend has it that Buddha’s wife Yashodhara, his first disciple Ananda and the Bodhi tree, the holy place under which Buddha attained enlightenment were all born or created on this very day. It is also believed that on this day Gautam Buddha chose to preach his first sermon in Varanasi or Banaras in India.

By the evidence found in history, Gautam Buddha was born between sixth and fourth century BCE.

Buddha was a firm believer of Karuna (meaning compassion) and Ahimsa (meaning non-violence). He spent his life searching for peace and truth. He believed that the material pleasures held little significance in life, and dedicated his life to spirituality and religion.

Since Buddha was born in a Hindu family, the festival holds a lot of significance for the Hindu community. In Hinduism, Lord Buddha is believed to be the ninth avatar of Lord Vishnu. Therefore, Buddha Purnima is an auspicious day for devotees of Lord Vishnu and is observed with full fervor in India.

Buddha Purnima has a lot of astrological significance as well. Buddha was born with Cancer Ascendant and Moon in Libra, and with the Sun positioned in the mighty Mars. In His Horoscope, the Moon is also aspected by five planets-Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Mars, and Saturn, and these made Him mentally strong.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

In Buddhism, it is believed that for you to be able to enjoy good health, bring happiness to your family, and enjoy peace in life, you must first master control over your mind. In Hinduism, devotees of Lord Ganesh practice a similar belief; that by gaining control over one’s mind, one can find the way to enlightenment. Astrologers believe that to gain control of your mind, you should strengthen the Moon in your horoscope.

How to Celebrate Buddha Purnima

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

If you want to achieve mental peace and bliss this Vesak, you should follow Buddha’s “Eightfold path”. It is the only true way to celebrate the festival.

According to Buddha, the Eightfold path included-

Having the Right View or Understanding, by knowing the truth,

Having the Right Intention, by freeing your mind of bad thoughts,

Having the Right Speech, which does not hurt others,

Having the Right Action, by working for the good of others,

Having the Right Livelihood, by maintaining an ethical standard in life,

Having the Right Effort, by resisting evil,

Having the Right Mindfulness, by practicing meditation,

Having the Right Concentration, by controlling your thoughts.

It is believed that by following this path, you can be free from your sufferings, bring harmony and peace, and even bring in more positivity and optimism in your life.

For those who may be suffering from malefic effects of Planet Saturn, following the Eightfold Path can help you release mental pressure and also boost confidence in your life.

Devotees celebrate the festival by serving others and feeding the hungry while they themselves keep a fast and do charitable work.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Lanterns are also a special part of the celebrations. Mostly seen in Sri Lanka and South Korea, people light colorful electric lanterns, which signifies happiness and enlightenment. Happiness is believed to be the result of the individual becoming more mindful in their life.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. If I have no refuge, I ask God to take this cup away from me.

On Monday, May 12, 2025, I am searching for possibilities within, not contrary to God’s Will. For I give shelter to the Living Tibetan Spirits in my consciousness, I exist as a slave in a free country. I consciously experience the problem of occupation, the lack of independent existence.

Whole Disaster – Occupation of Tibet is a Disaster and Heavenly Strike will come as a Blessing

Trouble in Tibet – Compassion delivers a Heavenly Strike on the Evil Empire

Whole Disaster – Occupation of Tibet is a Disaster and Heavenly Strike will come as a Blessing. The Fall of Babylon. Revelation, Chapter 19.

Trouble in Tibet. World can be changed in three or four decades through education. I speak of ‘Compassion’ as an instinctual response in recognition of pain and suffering of another human being.

Whole Disaster – Occupation of Tibet is a Disaster and Heavenly Strike will come as a Blessing. The Fall of Babylon. Revelation, Chapter 19.

Compassion acts like a Physical Force and it can transform man and the world in which man exists. To uplift Tibetans from pain and suffering, Compassion Strikes the Evil Empire to change her heart and mind.

Whole Disaster – Occupation of Tibet is a Disaster and Heavenly Strike will come as a Blessing. The Fall of Babylon. Revelation, Chapter 19.

Beijing is Doomed. Evil Empire’s Fate is Sealed. Doom, Disaster, Calamity, or Cataclysmic Event to Strike the Evil Empire is destined as an act of Compassion for it is purposive, goal-Oriented, and not a random, unguided collision event.

Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162 USA
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

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LESSONS FROM THE DALAI LAMA

Trouble in Tibet – Which Type of Force Can Evict China? Dalai Lama Opens California Temple With Message of Compassion.

Tenzin Gyatso, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, visited Boulder for two talks on compassion, education, and training the mind.

By KIRAN HERBERT June 24 2016, 10:45 AM

“We are all the same human beings—mentally, physically, and emotionally,” says the Dalai Lama, beginning the first of two sold-out appearances at the University of Colorado Boulder’s Coors Events Center. For someone who carries the title His Holiness, it might seem an interesting place to start, but not if you’re familiar with the 14th Dalai Lama and his major tenets.

The 80-year-old monk was born Tenzin Gyatso on a straw mat in rural Tibet. In Tibetan Buddhist culture, which believes in reincarnation, there exists a select subset of enlightened individuals who are said to be able to control the time and place of their future births. The Dalai Lamas are the most famous example and are believed to be manifestations of the Bodhisattva of Compassion, continually eschewing nirvana in order to serve humanity—Gyatso was discovered at the age of two, after an extensive process that included consulting an oracle and interpreting numerous signs.

For non-Buddhists, the Dalai Lama still serves as a spiritual leader, touting a message of secular ethics, peace, non-violence, inter-religious harmony, and the preservation of Tibetan culture. He touched on all those themes during his two talks: “Eight Verses for Training the Mind” (which was heady and focused on Buddhist dharma) and “Educating the Heart and the Mind” (where the Dalai Lama answered audience questions). Throughout, he spoke with a sense of humor, approachability, and humility seldom associated with world leaders.
Colorado has about 300 Tibetans living in exile and that community’s children kicked off the day’s events with traditional costumes, dancing, and song. After introductions from

Congressman Jared Polis (who earned a standing ovation after announcing he was returning to D.C. for the sit in ) and Boulder Mayor Suzanne Jones (who fittingly gifted the Dalai Lama a bike helmet and jersey), the Dalai Lama began speaking with an accent, occasionally using a translator to ruminate on everything from globalization and materialism to analytical thinking and forgiveness.

When the talks concluded, the audience—old Tibetan women, folks in Burning Man garb, college students—were left with a lot to digest. Here are our takeaways.


The Dalai Lama meets with students. It was the Dalai Lama’s third visit to the university campus and his first in nearly 20 years. (Photo courtesy of the University of Colorado-Boulder, Glenn Asakawa)

A NEW REALITY

“Reality has changed, but our thinking is old and dated: In order to gain you destroy the other,” says the Dalai Lama. “The new reality: the destruction of your neighbor is the destruction of yourself.” In a globalized world, he continued, things like climate change and the global economy have no national boundaries, and we’re in for “the same miserable century,” filled with starvation, poverty, and death, unless we ignite change.

Change Begins With One

Small transformations have a butterfly effect—as one individual becomes more compassionate she spreads it to a friend and then more friends, until gradually thousands have been drawn into the fold.

A More Compassionate Humanity

“We need to make an effort through education so that we can achieve a happier, more compassionate world,” says the Dalai Lama, calling on politicians, the media, and educational institutions to lead the charge. Again and again, the Dalai Lama stressed the importance of cultivating tolerance, contentment, and forgiveness in order to practice altruism. “If we think one goal—a happier, more compassionate world—then I think it’s possible the second half of the century will be a happier world.”

Take the High Road

“Our enemies are our greatest teachers,” says the Dalai Lama, expounding on the need to always practice humility in dealing with others and be aware of our own afflictions in order to counter them. When others are negative, be tolerant and patient, remaining unperturbed.

Mind Your Materialism
Inner beauty trumps outer beauty. Technology used only for temporary entertainment is a waste of time. We need to move away from an emphasis on materialism in our lives and culture.

Our Only Hope is Education

“Our only hope is through education—to change our thinking and our way and life,” says the Dalai Lama, emphasizing the importance of dialectical thought, as well as the use of both the head and the heart. “We need teaching and education in the existing secular education field which covers the entirety of humanity.” Maybe then, in three or four decades, our children will be born into a better world.

Trouble in Tibet – Have Hope – Compassion Will Strike The Evil Red Empire. Whole Disaster – Occupation of Tibet is a Disaster and Heavenly Strike will come as a Blessing. The Fall of Babylon. Revelation, Chapter 19.