DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET – NO SAFE PLACE TO LIVE
DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET – NO SAFE PLACE TO LIVE. MAP OF QING CHINA EMPIRE 1910 A.D.
During its long history, Tibet came under foreign conquest by Mongol Empire and Manchu or Qing Empire which ruled over China. But, Tibetans never lost their traditional independent lifestyle.
DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET – NO SAFE PLACE TO LIVE. POTALA PALACE, LHASA, TIBET IN 1930 A.D. FULLY INDEPENDENT NATION FROM 1911 TO 1950.
Tibet declared full independence on February 13, 1913 and existed as fully independent national entity until founding of Evil Red Empire on October 01, 1949 by China’s Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong. Red China’s brutal occupation transformed Tibet into Military Camp leaving no safe place for Tibetans to live.
DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET. RED CHINA’S MILITARY CONQUEST OF TIBET. CHINESE ARMY IN LHASA, 1951. TIBETANS HAVE NO SAFE PLACE TO LIVE.
For all practical purposes, Communist Dictator Mao Zedong is alive as his brutal, military occupation of Tibet survived his death in December 1976 which may have marked the end of Red China’s Cultural Revolution.
DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET. ON DECEMBER 10, 1948, TIBET WAS FULLY INDEPENDENT NATION. ELEANOR ROOSEVELT – DECLARATION OF UNIVERSAL HUMAN RIGHTS.DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET. ELEANOR ROOSEVELT RECEIVING MARY McLEOD BETHUNE HUMAN RIGHTS AWARD FROM DOROTHY HEIGHT. SHE DID NOT ANTICIPATE THE GREAT TIBET PROBLEM.DOOMED HUMAN RIGHTS IN OCCUPIED TIBET. DECEMBER 10, 2016. TIBETANS HAVE NO SAFE PLACE TO LIVE.
Where is human rights in Tibet?
December 8, 2016, 11:07 pm IST YOUDON AUKATSANG in Echoes from the Himalayas TOI
We celebrate December 10 as the Human Rights Day to commemorate adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the UN General Assembly in 1948. This was a ground-breaking achievement because it was the first time in history that all Member States of the United Nations pledged to work together to promote the thirty Articles of human rights that was enshrined in the document.
This year’s Human Rights Day slogan Stand up for Someone’s Rights Today reaffirms common humanity and universality of humane values. It convinces us that whoever, whatever, whenever and wherever we are, we can make a difference. Each of us has the potential to make a difference in our own unique ways using a medium that comes easiest to us.
The Declaration reminds each one of us to stand up against human rights violations wherever it occurs, in a remote country, in our region, country or even at home.
This day has an added significance for Tibetans. We fondly remember the day as the Nobel Peace Prize Day as it was on this day in 1989 that HH the Dalai Lama was conferred with the Nobel Peace Prize. With this award, the international community not only recognized the commitment of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to non-violence and peace but also applauded his middle way approach and his efforts at resolving the issue of Tibet through dialogue with China.
United Nations did recognize the right to self-determination of the Tibetans and called for respect of basic human rights of Tibetans in the aftermath of Tibetan National Uprising and the coming into exile in India of HH the Dalai Lama in 1959. In fact, there were two other UN General Assembly resolutions in 1961 and 1965 condemning continued human rights violations of Tibetans. Since then, the corridors of UN General Assembly have been silent on Tibet except for rare references made during the Human Rights Council Sessions.
The international community has made out the issue of Tibet to be an issue of human rights. But for Tibetans, it is more critical than human rights violations. The issue of Tibet is about ethnic cleansing and cultural genocide. In fact, the report of ICJ which formed the basis for the UN resolutions on Tibet affirms it as early as 1959 and mentions that “acts of genocide had been committed”, and that “Tibet was at the very least a de facto independent State” before its annexation by the Chinese government in 1951.
The Tibet crisis has continued unabated since the Chinese occupation of Tibet. The Chinese state machinery clamps down on Tibetan religion, culture and language which forms the bedrock of Tibetan identity. Tibetans are arrested and imprisoned for celebrating religious festivals such as Saka Dawa or HH the Dalai Lama’s birthday.
Of the many ongoing campaigns enforced in Tibet by the Chinese regime, the most pervasive is “Patriotic education” aimed at strengthening ties between the public and the Communist Party and denouncing the Dalai Lama and “splittist forces”. According to Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), Work Teams are formed under this campaign to cover every section of society including farmers, schools, monastic institutions and general populace.
Under the guise of this campaign, Chinese authorities interfere in the daily lives and religious practices of Tibetans. Influential Tibetans in various strata of the society particularly those with following are targeted and arrested under false allegations. Ceilings are imposed on number of monks and nuns in the monasteries and nunneries.
Recent news of demolition of Larung Gar Institute, one of the largest centers of Buddhist learning in Serthar County in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province is the most current evidence of religious repression in Tibet. Demolitions are being carried out in line with the order given by the Chinese authorities to cut the number of residents by half to 5000. Central Tibetan Administration has urged UNHCR and the international community to save Larung Gar.
With no freedom to express your identity and the shrinking space for dissent under the Chinese rule, Tibetans have resorted to self-immolation the most extreme form of protesting Chinese repression. The most recent case of self-immolation of an unidentified person was reported on December 8 at 5 pm local time in Machu county, Kanlho Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Gansu Province. This has taken the reported cases of self-immolations to 145.
The world can no longer afford to remain a silent spectator, it needs to stand up for the rights of Tibetans in Tibet and urge China to have a dialogue with the representatives of HH the Dalai Lama to resolve the issue of Tibet.
DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author’s own.
Author
Doomed Human Rights in Occupied Tibet. Ms. Youdon Aukatsang, Member of Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
YOUDON AUKATSANG
Youdon Aukatsang is currently serving her third term as an elected member of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile (TPIE). She is also the Director of Empowering . . .
Author
WHERE IS HUMAN RIGHTS IN TIBET? ECHOES FROM THE HIMALAYAS, AUTHOR YOUDON AUKATSANG, MEMBER OF TIBETAN PARLIAMENT-IN-EXILE.
Youdon Aukatsang is currently serving her third term as an elected member of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile (TPIE). She is also the Director of Empowering . . .
DOOMED AMERICAN FANTASY – WAKE UP CALL FOR AMERICA
DOOMED AMERICAN FANTASY – WAKE UP CALL FOR AMERICA. DUMP CHINA. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN.
37th US President Richard M. Nixon’s China Fantasy placed America on a Slippery Slope with tragic consequences including Military Disaster in Vietnam.
DOOMED AMERICAN FANTASY – WAKE UP CALL FOR AMERICA – READ THE WRITING ON MADE IN CHINA LABEL.
Nixon-Kissinger China Fantasy formulated US Policy of “Conceptual Failure,” and “Strategic Blunder” which holds no Promise for America’s Future.
Doomed American Fantasy – Wake Up Call For America. Belshazzar, Doomed last King of Babylon failed to Decipher The Writing On The Wall (DANIEL 5:25).
“The Writing On The Wall” is clear. America need to Read The Writing On Made In China Label. Prophet Daniel warned Belshazzar, last King of Babylon about impending Doom. It’s not too late. To avoid Downfall, to avert Disaster, to prevent Catastrophe, and to halt Calamity in its tracks, America needs to Dump China Fantasy. The next US President Trump has to start afresh to ‘Make America Great Again’.
Doomed American Fantasy – Wake Up Call For America. James Mann, author of “The China Fantasy.”
The New York Times
Op-Ed Contributor
America’s Dangerous ‘China Fantasy’
By JAMES MANN OCT. 27, 2016
Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, American business executives and political leaders of both parties repeatedly put forward what I label the “China fantasy”: the view that trade, foreign investment and increasing prosperity would lead to political liberalization in the world’s most populous country.
“Trade freely with China, and time is on our side,” said President George W. Bush. He was merely echoing his Democratic predecessor, Bill Clinton, who called the opening of China’s political system “inevitable, just as inevitably the Berlin Wall fell.”
To say the least, things in China haven’t turned out that way.
Over the past few years, the Chinese regime has become ever less tolerant of political dissent – to such an extent that, these days, American leaders have become far more reluctant to make claims about China’s political future or the impact on it of trade and investment. The “China fantasy” got the dynamics precisely wrong: Economic development, trade and investment have yielded greater political repression and a more closed political system.
This amounts to a new China paradigm: an intensely internationalized yet also intensely repressive one-party state. China provides the model that other authoritarian regimes, from Russia to Turkey to Egypt, may seek to replicate. As a result, the United States will find itself struggling with this new China paradigm again and again in the coming years.
In using the word “repression,” I am talking about organized political activity, not private speech. Visitors to China are sometimes surprised to find that cab drivers, tour guides or old friends may speak to them with candor, even about political subjects. However, what such people can’t do is to form an organization independent of the Chinese Communist Party or take independent action to try to change anything.
Doomed American Fantasy – Wake Up Call For America. Wang Qiaoling (Left), and Li Wenzu with photos of their husbands, Human Rights lawyers Detained by Red China.
Wang Qiaoling, left, and Li Wenzu with photos of their husbands, human rights lawyers in China who have been detained since July 2015. Credit How Hwee Young/European Pressphoto Agency
Indeed, over the past two years the Chinese government has been moving in new ways against people and institutions that might, even indirectly, provide support for independent political activity. It has tightened the rules for nongovernmental organizations. More recently, it has been arresting Chinese lawyers. It has also been staging televised confessions, a practice reminiscent of Stalin’s show trials.
Why is it that trade and investment have led to a Chinese regime that represses dissent more than it did five, 10 or 20 years ago? The answer, put simply, is that the regime thinks it needs to do so, can do so and has fewer outside constraints inhibiting it from doing so.
First, it needs to because as the economy develops and grows more complex, Chinese citizens are having new grievances of the sort that would otherwise lead to organized political activity. Environmental problems have multiplied. Consumers worry about product safety (tainted milk, for example) and accidents (like train wrecks). And at least to educated Chinese, internet censorship can be an annoyance, if not an insult.
Second, China’s security apparatus has a much greater capacity to repress dissent than it did in the past. Technology gives it greater capacity to control both physical space (the streets) and cyberspace (the internet).
Finally, the world’s increased commercial involvement with China over the past two decades has made foreign leaders more reluctant to do anything in response to Chinese crackdowns, lest the Chinese regime retaliate. This is in large part a problem of perception: In fact, the Chinese regime cares about its standing in the world and would seek to avoid international condemnation if world leaders took strong stand and work together.
Almost forgotten now is that in the 1990s, the United States, possessing far greater economic leverage in dealing with China than it has today, threatened trade restrictions if Beijing did not improve the human rights climate. After intense debate, the Clinton administration eventually backed away from threats to limit trade with China.
The aftermath of that debate was disastrous. American leaders overreacted by deciding to avoid any further strong actions in support of human rights in China. Instead, they offered the “China fantasy”: the idea that change would come inevitably.
At one point, giving voice to the optimism and the false assumptions about how trade would liberalize China, President Clinton told China’s president, Jiang Zemin, at a Washington news conference, “You’re on the wrong side of history.” History, however, is rendering its own judgment – that America’s confidence in the political impact of trade with China was woefully misplaced.
Looking forward, we are obliged to deal with a China capable of moving endlessly from one crackdown to another, no longer interrupted by the occasional easings or “Beijing Springs” of the past. It will be a different China, in which educated, middle-class people may be less loyal, but their views also less influential.
What we can do is to keep expressing as forcefully as possible the values of political freedom and the right to dissent. Democratic governments around the world need to collaborate more often in condemning Chinese repression – not just in private meetings but in public as well. We should also find new ways to single out and penalize individual Chinese officials involved in repression. Why should there be a one-way street in which Chinese leaders send their own children to America’s best schools, while locking up lawyers at home?
The Chinese regime is not going to open up because of our trade with it. The “China fantasy” amounted to both a conceptual failure and a strategic blunder. The next president will need to start out afresh.
James Mann, a resident fellow at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and former Beijing bureau chief for The Los Angeles Times, is the author of “The China Fantasy.”
TIBET OCCUPATION – UNFORGOTTEN MEMORY – WORLD HISTORY’S WORST CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity. Thank You Tsering Woeser.
Evil Red Empire’s Tibet Occupation ranks as World History’s Worst Crime Against Humanity. I seek the appointment of an International War Crimes Tribunal to fully investigate Red China’s Tibet Occupation and the atrocities of ‘Cultural Revolution’ as Crimes Against Humanity. I warmly appreciate Ms. Tsering Woeser’s efforts to expose these Crimes.
The Cultural Revolution in Tibet: A Photographic Record
SINOSPHERE
By LUO SILING, OCT. 3, 2016
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
Tsering Woeser’s father, an officer in the People’s Liberation Army in Lhasa when the Cultural Revolution broke out in 1966, photographed many public attacks on Tibet’s old ruling class and religious leaders. Here, a Buddhist nun wears a sign labeling her as a counterrevolutionary. Credit Tsering Dorje
In 1999, the Tibetan writer Tsering Woeser came across Wang Lixiong’s book “Sky Burial: The Fate of Tibet.” On finishing it, she sent Mr. Wang photographs taken by her father, who was with the People’s Liberation Army when it entered Tibet in the 1950s and documented the early years of the Cultural Revolution in Lhasa in the 1960s. Mr. Wang wrote back, saying, “It’s not for me, as a non-Tibetan, to use these photos to reveal history. That task can only be yours.”
Ms. Woeser began tracking down and interviewing people who appeared in the photos. This resulted in two books published by Locus in Taiwan in 2006: “Forbidden Memory: Tibet During the Cultural Revolution,” based on her father’s photographs, and “Tibet Remembered,” an oral history narrated by 23 people who appear in them. Meanwhile, Ms. Woeser had begun taking her own photos, using her father’s camera, of the places he photographed. Many were included in a new edition of “Forbidden Memory,” published this year on the 50th anniversary of the start the Cultural Revolution.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity. Tsering Dorje before the Potala Palace in 1969.
Tsering Dorje standing before the Potala Palace in Lhasa in 1969, in a photograph provided by his daughter, Tsering Woeser.
Ms. Woeser was born in Lhasa in 1966 to a Tibetan mother and her father, Tsering Dorje, who was half Tibetan and half Han, the dominant ethnicity in China. But in 1970, her father, who had served as deputy commander of the Lhasa military district, was transferred to Sichuan Province. It wasn’t until 1990 that Ms. Woeser returned to Lhasa, where she became editor of the journal “Tibetan Literature.” In 2003, she published “Notes on Tibet,” a collection of essays and short stories that was soon banned by the Chinese government. She is now a freelance writer and poet based in Beijing with Mr. Wang, whom she married in 2004. In an interview, she discussed what she learned from her father’s photographs of Tibet’s experience of the Cultural Revolution.
How did your father manage to take these photos?
In 1950, Mao Zedong ordered the People’s Liberation Army into Tibet, and on the way it passed through my father’s hometown, Derge, which is in the present-day Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan. At the time my father, who was only 13, was sent away by his Han father to enlist in the P.L.A. His mother was a local Tibetan. During the Cultural Revolution, my father served as an officer in the political department of the Tibet Military District. I suppose he was able to take photos because of his privileges as a P.L.A. officer.
It’s curious, however, that for all the photos that my father took, he was able to keep the photos and negatives. This certainly could not have happened if the army had assigned him to take the photos. This indicates that my father’s activity was not commissioned by the military.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity
On Aug. 24, 1966, in Lhasa, Buddhist scriptures were burned as part of the campaign against the “Four Olds” – old customs, old culture, old habits, old ideas. Credit Tsering Dorje
Very few people had cameras then, and even fewer had the chance to take photos of public events. There were several media agencies active in Tibet then. They produced lots of documentaries, photos and reports. And yet in the newspapers and posters from then you can’t find any photos of ruined temples or “struggle sessions” against “counterrevolutionary monsters and demons.” I’ve looked at all the issues of Tibet Daily from 1966 to 1970 but can find no such photos.
What do your father’s photos show?
Mostly mass meetings and “incidents.” By mass meetings I mean large-scale gatherings such as the celebration by tens of thousands of Chairman Mao’s launching of the Cultural Revolution. Incidents include the destruction of temples and struggles against “monsters and demons.” The photos contain many identifiable figures including the Communist leaders of Tibet, the founder of the Tibetan Red Guards, individual Red Guards, as well as nobles, clergy and officials of the old Tibet society who were targeted in “struggle sessions.” In my investigations most of my efforts were focused on these people, because it’s through them that the photos have their greatest value. Over six years, I interviewed about 70 people in the photos.
How do your photographs and your father’s, taken in the same locations, differ?
In 1966 and 1967, my father took photos of mass meetings and rallies of Red Guards and the P.L.A. in front of the Potala Palace. In 2012, when I went to the same place to take photos, two self-immolations by Tibetans had taken place in Lhasa that May. As a result, the government tightened its policy of ethnic segregation and took more security measures against Tibetans, especially those from outside Lhasa. The measures were first implemented in March 2008, when protests broke out across the Tibetan region, and became more severe in 2012. As I took my photos, I noticed a curious phenomenon: the palace square was filled with men in black. They had umbrellas on their backs, which they would use to block people from taking pictures if an incident broke out. They lined up in rows and monitored the people passing by. They prohibited anyone from sitting in the square.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity. Tsering Woeser in Lhasa with her father’s camera.
Tsering Woeser, with her father’s camera, in Lhasa in 2013. Credit Pazu Kong
Another example: In 2014, I was standing where my father had taken photos in front of the Jokhang Temple. What did he see back then? Red Guards trying to hang Chairman Mao’s portrait on the roof of the temple, where the Chinese flag was also planted. Though I didn’t see any Mao portraits there, the flag was waving in the same place. Also, there were quite a few believers kneeling and praying, as well as a crowd of tourists fascinated by their actions. On the roof of a house diagonally across from the temple there were sharpshooters from the armed police. Ever since 2008, sharpshooters have been deployed on the roofs of buildings around the temple.
Comparing today with the Cultural Revolution, there were no believers kneeling back then, and the temple was ruined, while today the temple offers a bustling scene where believers may freely worship. But these are only superficial differences. Religious worship is still strictly controlled. Furthermore, there is now commercialized tourism, with gawking tourists who treat Tibetans like exotic decorations and Lhasa as a theme park.
Who was the founder of the Lhasa Red Guards?
Tao Changsong, born in Yangzhou, Jiangsu Province. In 1960, he graduated from East China Normal University and volunteered to move to Tibet, where he became a teacher of Chinese at Lhasa Middle School. During the Cultural Revolution he was the main force behind the creation of the Lhasa Red Guards, as well as commander of the Lhasa Revolutionary Rebels Headquarters. When the Revolutionary Committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region was formed, he became its deputy director, a position equivalent to vice chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region today. He also went to Beijing many times and met with Zhou Enlai, Jiang Qing and other key members of the Central Revolutionary Committee. In 2001, I interviewed him twice. I didn’t show him my father’s photos, assuming he might not tell me the story if he saw them, since he appears in one. It shows him at the Dalai Lama’s summer palace, the Norbulingka, leading a team of Red Guards hanging up a poster on which is written “People’s Park.”
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
A public rally in Lhasa to force “monsters and demons” to confess their failings. Credit Tsering Dorje
There were two “rebel factions” in Lhasa during the Cultural Revolution. One was the Revolutionary Rebels Headquarters. The other was the Great Alliance of Proletarian Revolutionaries Command, or Great Alliance Command for short. The two fought each other for power. In the later period of the Cultural Revolution, the Headquarters faction lost ground, while the other faction achieved total control, and retained it even after the Cultural Revolution [which ended in 1976]. Headquarters members were purged from the party. Tao Changsong was investigated on suspicion of belonging to the “three types of people” – “people who followed the Lin Biao-Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary faction,” “people with a strong factionalist bent” and “people who engaged in looting and robbery.” After the mid-1980s, he worked at the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences and served as assistant editor of the journal “Tibet Studies” and as deputy director of the Modern Tibetan Research Institute. Now he’s retired and lives in Chengdu and Lhasa, where he is in good standing with the government.
Mr. Tao is a lively talker with a sharp memory. He also showed his cautious side when he began having difficulty answering my questions about the Red Guards’ campaign against the “Four Olds” at the Jokhang Temple. The statement in his account that left the deepest impression on me concerned the P.L.A.’s crackdown on “second rebels” [Tibetans who revolted in 1969]. He said: “The Tibetans are too simple-minded. If you execute them they say, ‘Thank you.’ If you give them 200 renminbi they also say, ‘Thank you.’ ”
Tibet was an exception to the general practice of purging the “three types of people” after the Cultural Revolution. In Tibet there were few purges of that kind. When Hu Yaobang came to Lhasa in 1980, he put an end to the purging of the “three types.” Why? Because there were many Tibetans among them. Hu thought if you purged them, the party wouldn’t be able to find reliable agents among local Tibetans. So the party couldn’t purge them. And some of them not only were shielded from purges but even received promotions. As a result, the people who rose in power during the Cultural Revolution still dominate Tibet, whether Tibetan or Han.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
Two Red Guards in Lhasa in 1966. Credit Tsering Dorje
Tell us about the people in the photographs who were victims of the struggle sessions.
There were about 40 of them. They belonged to a variety of professions in the old Tibet: monks, officials, merchants, physicians, officers, estate overlords and so on. The settings included struggle sessions at mass assemblies, in the streets and at local neighborhood committees that methodically conducted their sessions by turns. The time frame was from August to September 1966. After that, the division between the factions led each to conduct its own separate struggle sessions. The people attacked in these sessions were incorporated into the “monsters and demons” unit, where they were ordered to attend long-term labor and study sessions at their assigned neighborhood committee.
What’s most interesting about these victims is that most were members of the upper class whom the Communist Party from the 1950s to the eve of the Cultural Revolution had designated as “targets to be won over.” And since they did not follow the Dalai Lama and flee the country during the 1959 uprising, the party rewarded them with many privileges. In other words, they were partners of the party. One of them, a monk, even served as an informant for the military.
But after the Cultural Revolution began they were labeled “monsters and demons” and suffered humiliating attacks. In the end they were overtaken by madness, illness and death. Some died during the Cultural Revolution, others afterward. Most of the victims died. Of the few who survived, some went abroad. Some, however, remained in Tibet, where they took up the party’s offer and joined the system to regain their high status. Today these people are found in the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the National People’s Congress and the Buddhist Association, where they fulfill ceremonial functions needed by the party.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
A National Day celebration on Oct. 1, 1966, in Lhasa marking the anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Credit Tsering Dorje
Given the fate of most of the victims, the people I interviewed were mostly their relatives, or in some cases the disciples of victimized monks. They told me so many stories.
Such as?
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
Sampho Tsewang Rinzin, from one of the most renowned noble families in Tibet. Sampho began working with the Party in the 1950s and benefited from that. But he was cruelly struggled against during the Cultural Revolution, as you can see in the photos. The Red Guards who were beating him made him wear the uniform of a Senior Minister in the Tibetan Government, which as much as it made him look splendid, brought him so much humiliation and stripped him of all dignity, so that in the end he was sobbing in front of everyone. He died soon after this.
Then there was the “female living Buddha” – an erroneous term; we call them rinpoche – Samding Dorje Phagmo Dechen Chodron. Historically there have been very few female living Buddhas in Tibet. She was the most famous. In 1959 she followed the Dalai Lama and escaped to India. But she was persuaded by party cadres to return to Tibet and was held up as a patriot who had “resolved to shun the darkness and embrace the light.” She even met with Mao. After the Cultural Revolution started she was labeled a “monster and demon” and humiliated at struggle sessions.
Tibet Occupation – Unforgotten Memory – Crime Against Humanity.
Ngawang Gelek, a member of the Little Red Guards, which replaced the Young Pioneers children’s organization during the Cultural Revolution, at a rally in Lhasa. He later became a militia commander and eventually a devout Buddhist. Credit Tsering Dorje.
In the photo where she is shown being beaten, she was only 24. She was weak then, because she had recently given birth to her third child. Her husband was the son of the great Lhasa nobleman Kashopa. The couple eventually divorced. It was her ex-husband who told me about her experiences as well as those of her parents after I showed him the photos.
Today, Dorje Phagmo is vice chairwoman of the Tibetan Autonomous Region and a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Standing Committee. She often appears on television attending various conferences.
Did you interview the Red Guards in the photos?
In one of my father’s photos there is a female activist, a quite vicious one during the Cultural Revolution. She once led a team to ransack a house where she not only seized the owner’s property but set fire to manuscripts bequeathed to the owner by the great Tibetan scholar Gendun Choephel. A Tibetan scholar called this a major crime against Tibetan history and culture. Later this woman became party secretary at the Wabaling neighborhood committee. When I found her there, she looked quite insignificant. As soon as I brought up the Cultural Revolution, her facial expression immediately changed. She refused to give an interview or let me take her photo.
There was also a former monk I interviewed who had smashed Buddhist stupas and burned scriptures during the Cultural Revolution. Afterward, he volunteered to be a janitor at the Jokhang Temple and worked there for 17 years. He told me: “If it weren’t for the Cultural Revolution, I think I would have lived my entire life as a good monk. I would have worn monk’s robes. The temples would still be there. Inside the temples I would have devotedly read scriptures. But the Cultural Revolution came. The robes could no longer be worn. Though I have never looked for a woman or abandoned monastic life, I am not fit to wear the robes again. This is the most painful thing in my life.”
Follow Luo Siling on Twitter @luosiling.
This article was adapted from a three-part interview in the Chinese-language site of The New York Times.
In 1574, Mongol Emperor Altan Khan offered Sonam Gyatso,Tibetan High-ranking Lama, the title of ‘Dalai Lama’ which literally means ‘Ocean of Wisdom’. As the title was applied posthumously to two of his preceding Lamas, Sonam Gyatso became the Third Dalai Lama of Tibet. In 1588, he died while teaching in Mongolia. The Great Fifth Dalai Lama founded the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet in 1642. The successive Dalai Lamas have headed the Tibetan State for nearly four centuries.
Dalai Lama preaches to Buddhist worshipers and monks at the Buyant Ukhaa Sport Complex in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 20 November 2016. The Dalai Lama, Tibet’s exiled Buddhist leader is on a four day visit to Mongolia despite China’s objection, testing Mongolia’s ties with it neighbour.
The 14th Dalai Lama is on a four day visit to Mongolia despite Red China’s objections. His visit strengthens centuries-old Tibet-Mongolia Relations.
Beijing Doomed – His Holiness teaches in Mongolia.
Beijing Doomed – Dalai Lama in Mongolia strengthening centuries-old bonds and connections between the two countries.
Tibet’s Supreme exiled Spiritual Leader the Dalai Lama addresses those gathered at Buyant Ukhaa Sport Palace in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, November 20, 2016.
ESTABLISHMENT NO.22 – SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE is not “SECRET” Army of India as their “ENEMY” is fully aware of its existence and of its military mission. This Video includes several photo images captured by Chinese agents who successfully infiltrated into this Organization with assistance from a Senior Tibetan Political Leader who was later disciplined.
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason. United States Rifle M14.
In 1971, for the first time in my life, I was introduced to the United States Rifle, 7.62mm, M14.
I describe US Rifle, 7.62mm, M14 as the ‘Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma’ as my golden opportunity to join the US War on Communism doomed in Doom Dooma. Nixon-Kissinger US administration flatly denied me that opportunity while giving me full access to the US Rifle. Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason forced me to reject the United States Rifle, M14. This Gun is Doomed for it is given to me to use against Enemy whom US President befriended in a treacherous deviation of the US Policy on Communism.
DOOMED GUN OF DOOM DOOMA – NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON.
NIXON-KISSINGER TREASON IN VIETNAM – REMEMBERING JANUARY 23, 1973
NIXON-KISSINGER VIETNAM TREASON – UNFINISHED WAR IN SOUTHERN ASIA. DOOMED GUN OF DOOM DOOMA SYMBOLIZES DOOMED US-CHINA POLICY.
On January 23, 1973, President Nixon announced about ‘The Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam’ popularly known as Paris Peace Accords. This Vietnam Peace Treaty was signed on January 27, 1973, with cease-fire effective from January 28, 1973. Nixon-Kissinger are guilty of treason in Vietnam for President Nixon won his election for first-term in 1968, and later won his election for second-term in 1972 by using Vietnam War for political gain and not to serve the purpose of the United States which was at War actively fighting against the enemy. For all practical purposes, ‘The Fate of Saigon’, and ‘The Fall of Saigon’ on April 30, 1975, was decisively concluded on January 23, 1973.
THE WASHINGTON POST
SECRET ARCHIVE OFFERS FRESH INSIGHT INTO NIXON PRESIDENCY
Nixon believed that years of aerial bombing in Southeast Asia to pressure North Vietnam achieved “zilch” even as he publicly declared it was effective and ordered more bombing while running for reelection in 1972, according to a handwritten note from Nixon disclosed in a new book by Bob Woodward.
Nixon’s note to Henry Kissinger, then his national security adviser, on Jan. 3, 1972, was written sideways across a top-secret memo updating the president on war developments. Nixon wrote: “K. We have had 10 years of total control of the air in Laos and V.Nam. The result = Zilch. There is something wrong with the strategy or the Air Force.”
By David E. Hoffman October 11 at 9:29 AM
The Post’s Bob Woodward, the author of the new book, “The Last of the President’s Men,” talks to former Nixon aide Alexander Butterfield about a previously undisclosed top-secret memo updating Nixon on war developments. (Ultan Guilfoyle and Tom LeGro/The Washington Post)
The day before he wrote the “zilch” note, Nixon was asked about the military effectiveness of the bombing by Dan Rather of CBS News in an hour-long, prime-time television interview. “The results have been very, very effective,” Nixon declared.
Nixon’s private assessment was correct, Woodward writes: The bombing was not working, but Nixon defended and intensified it in order to advance his reelection prospects. The claim that the bombing was militarily effective “was a lie, and here Nixon made clear that he knew it,” Woodward writes.
Nixon’s note, which has not previously been disclosed, was found in a trove of thousands of documents taken from the White House by Alexander P. Butterfield, deputy to H.R. Haldeman, Nixon’s chief of staff, and not made public until now. Butterfield’s odyssey through Nixon’s first term is the subject of Woodward’s book, “The Last of the President’s Men,” to be published Tuesday by Simon & Schuster.
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason.
Richard Nixon performs the last acts of his devastated presidency in the White House East Room on Aug. 9, 1974, as he bids farewell to his Cabinet, aides and staff. (AP)
Butterfield became a key figure in the Watergate scandal when he revealed to Senate investigators the existence of the White House taping system. The tapes captured Nixon’s role in the coverup and marked a critical turning point in the collapse of his presidency. He resigned in 1974. Woodward and Carl Bernstein exposed the Watergate story in The Washington Post.
The new book, based on the documents and more than 46 hours of interviews with Butterfield, offers an intimate but disturbing portrayal of Nixon in the Oval Office. Butterfield depicts Nixon, who died in 1994, as forceful and energetic, but also vengeful, petty, lonely, shy and paranoid.
Butterfield felt deeply conflicted; he was proud to be serving but chagrined to be caught up in the underside of Nixon’s presidency. “The whole thing was a cesspool,” he told Woodward.
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma. Butterfield who gave an account of Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason.
Alexander Butterfield is photographed in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 10. (Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)
Butterfield, now 89, was in charge of preventing other Nixon staffers from leaving the White House with government documents, but he saw many, including the late Nixon counselor Arthur Burns, haul away boxes when they left.
Butterfield anticipated writing a memoir, so when he left the White House in 1973, “I just took my boxes of stuff and left,” he told Woodward, packing them into his and his wife’s car. Woodward writes that the boxes contained everything from routine chronologies and memos to some top-secret exchanges with Kissinger and a few highly classified CIA bulletins.
The new book by The Post’s Bob Woodward, “The Last of the President’s Men,” is based on previously undisclosed documents and more than 46 hours of interviews with Alexander Butterfield, the Nixon aide who revealed the existence of the White House taping system. (Ultan Guilfoyle and Tom LeGro/The Washington Post)
Butterfield acknowledged to Woodward that it was improper and wrong to remove them, and pledged to ensure that they will be deposited with a proper archive. Woodward, who wrote that he thought the Nixon story was over for him after his book on Mark Felt, the FBI associate director and a secret source known as Deep Throat, said he was “shocked” at the existence of Butterfield’s secret files. “So the story, like most of history, does not end,” he writes.
‘SHAKE THEM UP!!’
The Vietnam War had been all-consuming for Nixon’s presidency. The antiwar movement was strong in the United States, and Nixon was under political pressure to end the conflict. The centerpiece of Nixon’s approach was “Vietnamization”: withdraw U.S. troops so that the South Vietnamese could take over, and negotiate a peace settlement “with honor,” avoiding anything that could be labeled a defeat.
As ground troops withdrew, air power was one of Nixon’s few remaining tools to pressure Hanoi. In late December 1971, Nixon ordered the renewed bombing of North Vietnamese targets for five days.
By early 1972, Nixon was on the verge of announcing his reelection campaign and taking his momentous trip to China. But he was worried about reports of a major North Vietnamese buildup, foreshadowing a possible offensive.
On Jan. 2, 1972, in the CBS television interview, Rather asked Nixon, “On everyone’s mind is the resumption of the widespread bombing of North Vietnam. Can you assess the military benefits of that?” Nixon reiterated what he had often said about the bombing, that it was “very, very effective,” and added, “I think that effectiveness will be demonstrated by the statement I am now going to make.” Nixon then announced that he would soon bring home more troops — virtually removing any U.S. combat forces in Vietnam.
The next day, writing his private thoughts to Kissinger, Nixon added, “There is something wrong with the strategy or the Air Force. I want a ‘bark-off’ study — no snow job — on my desk in two weeks as to what the reason for the failure is.” Nixon added that “otherwise continued air operations make no sense in Cambodia, Laos, etc. after we complete withdrawal — Shake them up!!” Nixon underlined the last words twice.
Woodward said he could find no evidence that the study was ever carried out. [How Mark Felt Became ‘Deep Throat’]
In another memo written a few months later, also found in the Butterfield files, Nixon complained to Kissinger that the military and bureaucracy were too timid. Nixon demanded action that is “strong, threatening and effective” to “punish the enemy” and “go for broke.” Nixon may also have been frustrated at North Vietnamese resilience. Woodward cites CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency and Pentagon memos showing that the bombing was not that effective because the North was getting more supplies than it needed to fight the ground war in the south, and could hold out for two years even if the bombing continued.
Kissinger, in an interview, told Woodward he agreed with the conclusion that years of bombing North Vietnam had failed, and he recalled that Nixon was frustrated. “He was in the habit of wanting more bombing . . . his instructions most often were for more bombing,” Kissinger said.
Woodward writes: “The ‘zilch’ conclusion had grown over three years. In what way and when did he realize this? History may never know. Maybe Nixon never knew, never grasped the full weight of his own conclusion.”
Woodward concludes that while Nixon knew the bombing was militarily futile, he believed it would reap political rewards at home. After Nixon resigned, papers found in his hideaway office in the White House included a GOP polling study, commissioned in 1969, that showed that the American people would favor bombing and blockading North Vietnam for six months. Woodward cites the work of Ken Hughes of the University of Virginia’s Miller Center to show that “the massive bombing did not do the job militarily but it was politically popular. Hughes argues with a great deal of evidence that the bombing was chiefly designed so Nixon would win re-election.” [Woodward and Bernstein: Nixon was far worse than we thought]
The “zilch” note was followed in February by orders for an intensified bombing of North Vietnam. On May 8, Nixon ordered the mining of Haiphong Harbor and bombing of key military targets. On Sept. 8, Nixon reported to Kissinger that poll numbers favored the bombing. “It’s two-to-one for the bombing,” he boasted.
On Oct. 16, just weeks before the election, Nixon recalled the May 8 decision to mine the harbor and told Kissinger, “May 8 was the acid test. And how it’s prepared us for all these things. The election, for example.” Kissinger replied, “I think you won the election on May 8.” Nixon was reelected by a landslide in November.
In that election year, the United States dropped 1.1 million tons of bombs in the Vietnam War, including 207,000 tons in North Vietnam alone, Woodward reports, citing Pentagon records.
‘DEEP, DEEP RESENTMENTS’
Before joining the White House, Butterfield was a 42-year-old U.S. Air Force colonel with an assignment in Australia. After Nixon’s triumph in the 1968 election, Butterfield reached out to Haldeman, an acquaintance from their university years at UCLA. Haldeman then hired Butterfield as his White House deputy. Butterfield was an outsider, unlike many of the others around Nixon, and what he saw in the next four years left a vivid impression.
When Butterfield was introduced to the president in the Oval Office by Haldeman, Nixon mumbled, cleared his throat and gestured. “No words came out, only a kind of growl,” Woodward writes, based on Butterfield’s recollection. Another time, also in the White House, Nixon dropped by a birthday party for Paul Keyes, a comedy writer and Nixon friend who had helped on the 1968 campaign. When Nixon entered the room, there was an unnatural hush. No one offered a handshake or a glass of wine. Nixon seemed at a loss. Keyes was wearing a solid green blazer. “Ah, ah, ah . . . uh,” Nixon muttered, according to Woodward’s account. “Then Nixon pointed down at the carpet, a worn, faded maroon. He spoke in a deep but barely audible voice. ‘Green coat . . . red rug . . . Christmas colors.’ He then wheeled around and strode out of the room to the Oval Office.”
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma. Butterfield gave his account of Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason.
Alexander Butterfield, an administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration, arrives at the Rayburn Building to testify before the Judiciary Committee in Washington, D.C., on July 2, 1974. (Bob Burchette/The Washington Post)
Woodward says Butterfield felt that “Nixon was quickly becoming the oddest man he’d ever known.”
“It was if he were locked in his own deeply personal world, thinking, planning and churning,” Woodward writes of Butterfield’s impressions. Butterfield described Nixon as so lonely that he often took dinner by himself in the Old Executive Office Building, sitting with his suit coat still on, writing on his legal pad. “He was happiest when he was alone,” Butterfield recalled.
Nixon’s relationship with his wife, Pat, was cold, Butterfield observed. At the Winter White House, a compound in Key Biscayne, Fla., she stayed in a separate house.
On Christmas Eve 1969, Nixon walked through the Executive Office Building adjacent to the White House to wish employees a Merry Christmas. The president discovered that some support staff employees had prominently displayed photographs of President John F. Kennedy and that one worker had two. Nixon was furious and ordered Butterfield to remove all photos of other presidents. On Jan. 16, 1970, Butterfield wrote a memo to the president, titled “Sanitization of the EOB,” describing how all 35 offices displayed only Nixon’s photograph.
Alexander Butterfield, the deputy assistant to President Richard Nixon, describes to The Post’s Bob Woodward how Nixon barred certain reporters from traveling with him to China in 1972. (Ultan Guilfoyle and Tom LeGro/The Washington Post)
Butterfield learned that Nixon did not just have an “enemies list” with dozens of names, but also an “opponents list” and a “freeze list.” One day Nixon exploded in anger after finding out that Derek Bok, then the president of Harvard University, was at the White House. “I don’t ever want that son of a bitch back here on the White House grounds,” he told Butterfield. “And you get those enemies lists, make sure everybody knows who’s on them.” [Kissinger: the Dr. Frankenstein of foreign affairs, or just self-promoter?]
The president constantly scrutinized event invitation lists, striking names. Nixon organized a procedure with Butterfield so that during coffee after a state dinner, only a pre-selected group of five out of some 100 invited guests would get a chance to talk to the president. No one else could approach him.
Butterfield told Woodward that Nixon was controlled by “his various neuroses, the deep, deep, deep resentments, and hatreds — he seemed to hate everybody. The resentments festered. And he never mellowed out.”
Butterfield did not know about the specifics of the Watergate break-in but witnessed how Nixon’s obsessions led to it. At one point, Butterfield was given the assignment to plant a spy in the Secret Service detail of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.). Nixon later mused that the spy — a retired agent who was reactivated — might find information that would “ruin him for ’76,” when Kennedy might be considered a possible presidential candidate. Butterfield knew the plan was illegal and told Woodward that he was surprised at himself for going along with it.
Alexander Butterfield, the deputy assistant to President Richard Nixon, talks to The Post’s Bob Woodward about revealing the existence of the White House taping system. (Ultan Guilfoyle and Tom LeGro/The Washington Post)
It fell to Butterfield to organize the White House taping system, installed at Nixon’s behest in February 1971. Although Nixon endlessly explored and sifted his options on most issues, Woodward reports that “there was apparently no discussion about the merits or risks of such a taping system.” It was installed over a weekend by the Secret Service while the president was out of town. Five microphones were put in the president’s desk, on the top, concealed with a coating of varnish. The lights on the mantel in the Oval Office also carried microphones, a place where Nixon often took guests, including heads of state, to chat. The microphones were connected to voice-activated tape recorders behind a metal door in the basement.
When the Watergate scandal broke, “I was thinking of the tapes the whole time,” Butterfield recalled. “God, if they only knew. If they only knew. In a way I wanted it to be known. In the deep recesses of my brain, I was eager to tell.” Woodward devotes several chapters to Butterfield’s personal struggle over whether to reveal the secret taping system, which Nixon thought would never be made public.
On the day of Nixon’s departure from the White House, Aug. 9, 1974, Butterfield saw many White House officials and workers weeping in the East Room. “I could not believe that people were crying in that room,” he told Woodward. “It was sad, yes. But justice had prevailed. Inside I was cheering. That’s what I was doing. I was cheering.”
Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason. US Army Rifle M14.Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason. United States Rifle M14.Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma – Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason. US Rifle M14.Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma. Relic of Nixon-Kissinger Vietnam Treason. US Rifle M14.Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma. Operation Eagle M14 US Rifle.
Silver Plate presented by all Officers, D-Sector, Establishment 22 in appreciation of my Service in the North East Frontier Agency/Arunachal Pradesh in January 1973
Excerpt: I love the Service Award I earned at Doom Dooma without using any Service Weapon. I love Doom Dooma for the opportunity it gave to me to demonstrate my commitment to serve the men who serve our country without any concern for my personal safety.
Sainya Seva Medal. Service Award without Service Weapon.
SAINYA SEVA MEDAL
The Government of India awards Sainya Seva Medal to Service Personnel serving in Indian Armed Forces in recognition of ‘non-operational’ services under conditions of special hardship and severe climate. The bar or clasp shows the words ” NEFA ” in Hindi. To qualify for this award, an aggregate of one- year service in the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) is required. The Medal shows an image of Nanda Devi Himalayan mountain peak with a bamboo stand in the foreground.
REMEMBERING A WAR:THE 1962 INDIA-CHINA WAR: This is a photo image taken in 1972, ten years after the 1962 War, while I had proudly served the Nation in North East Frontier Agency. There was no schism or division among the Officers Corps. The Men and the Officers were totally united and were fully motivated to fight the Enemy and we had patrolled the border along the McMahon Line and went beyond the border for Operational reasons. There was no Fear and we were Prepared for the Challenge.
I am proud of my military service in North East Frontier Agency (renamed Arunachal Pradesh) for several reasons. These are;
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon
In 1962, Communist China’s War of Aggression across Himalayan Frontier motivated me to Resist, to Oppose and to Fight against Red China’s military threat posed from Occupied Tibet. 54 Years after the 1962 War, India is unwilling to part with her territory. India lost control of her territory in the Ladakh region as Tibet still remains under Chinese occupation.
REMEMBERING THE 1962 INDIA – CHINA WAR: The McMahon Line in India’s North East Frontier Agency or the State of Arunachal Pradesh. The Top Secret of 1962 War is the number of Chinese soldiers that were killed and injured during their military attack. Communist China must take courage and admit the true numbers. This War was not a total loss. India learned its lesson. We had a spectacular Military Victory in 1971 during our Bangladesh Liberation War.
Fortunately, in the North-East Himalayan Sector, India retains control over territory which we initially lost in the 1962 War. In 1972, I was very glad to serve in this area for one complete year and I could personally witness the fact that India is fully prepared to fight against Red China one more time. We are willing to do our best to keep ‘NEFA’ (Arunachal Pradesh) under our control whatever may be the Chinese threats protests, and claims to territory she calls “Southern Tibet.” China, apart from the illegal military occupation of Tibet, claims Indian territory publishing maps showing international borders. In recent years, China refused to issue a visa to an Officer of the Indian Administrative Service who had earlier served in this region.
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon
The tensions still exist and I am glad for we are better prepared now and if war is inevitable, we welcome that challenge. To serve in NEFA, I was stationed at Doom Dooma, Tinsukia District, Assam. When I first arrived in Doom Dooma to join my Unit, the first thing that I was told by my Unit Adjutant was, ” Rudra, if you need a copy of your most recent photo, ask the Chinese Intelligence, and they could provide you one.” The Chinese Intelligence operatives or spies keep tabs on each Officer who is entering this area while keeping a close watch on our movements.
To my utter surprise, my Indian Army Picture ID Card stolen during 1972 resurfaces in the Indian Movie titled TE3N. Doomsayer of Doom Dooma earns Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award Without Service Weapon.
We are neither threatened nor intimidated by this kind of Chinese surveillance. We want to assure China that we will not be deterred by their superior Intelligence capabilities.
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal. Service Award without Service Weapon.
I arrived in Doom Dooma without my Service Weapon issued by Indian Army as I am expected to participate in operations not known to Indian Army.
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon. Doomed Gun of Doom Dooma
My Unit in Doom Dooma is fully armed and equipped by the United States. While I arrived in Doom Dooma, US President Richard M. Nixon arrived in Peking seeking Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong’s hand in friendship.
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon. Richard Nixon Visits China. The Last Week of February 1972 My Life Doomed.
I was not amused. I had no choice, no alternative for providing Military Service using the US Infantry Weapon for my personal protection. At Doom Dooma, I am predestined to oppose Red China without access to any Service Weapon. I moved around in NEFA performing military tasks sanctioned by my Unit without carrying any Military Weapon.
Indian Army’s Commitment to its Men:
In the Indian Army, we take pride in looking after our men and very often we stretch ourselves to do our best to safeguard the welfare of our men even under the most difficult circumstances. And we maintain this attitude while extending help to others who may not be members of our Service.
I remember my visit to a Forward Company location when a Sub-Inspector of Police came to me asking for medical attention. He belonged to the Central Reserve Protection Force and was dispatched to this difficult area without any prior health screening. I will not be surprised if the same thing is happening today. We deploy police personnel to work in remote areas and we do not care and value their services. This Police Officer was not medically fit to serve in this area and no attempt was made to ascertain his physical fitness to perform the task for which he was sent. Fortunately, he survived the long trek and the very difficult and physically challenging climb to reach the Village where I am camping. The Village has a Government Clinic and as there was no Doctor posted at the Clinic, I was voluntarily providing services to all civilians residing in that area.
I examined him and found his blood pressure to be very high and he was at great risk of suffering from a stroke which could be fatal or cause paralysis. Apparently, he had undiagnosed high blood pressure for a long time and I could also find evidence that his kidneys were already damaged. To bring his blood pressure under control, he needed immediate hospital treatment and required emergency medical evacuation.
His Police Department never cared to inquire about his well-being before giving him the posting order. Whereas in the Armed Forces, we routinely interview the men and get them medically examined before they are sent to difficult areas.
I prepared a note about his medical condition and the Signal Company Operators immediately dispatched this message. Within minutes, my request for Emergency Medical Evacuation was approved. Doom Dooma Air Force Station was asked to send a helicopter. After a short while, I received a call from the helicopter pilot who spoke to me on his radio and informed me that he was sitting in his helicopter and was ready to take off as soon as the weather permits. That was a particularly, rainy and cloudy day with very poor visibility and the mission was really challenging. The pilot had assured me that he would fly in spite of all odds and would pick up my patient. The control tower was closely monitoring the clouds and they were waiting for a window of opportunity to make this trip while the cloud system moves through the mountain valley. He had asked me to keep the patient ready at the helipad and that he would not be able to spend even an extra minute on the ground.
Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon. Mi- 4 Helicopter provided airlift service for our operations in NEFA (Arunachal Pradesh)
Instantly, the whole scenario at my Company location got transformed. The day started on a very dull note. It was raining and there was dense fog. Suddenly, everybody got busy. As per standing orders, armed men were sent to secure our landing strip, weather signs were posted, the helipad was marked with fresh paint. Equipment for Fire-Fighting and Smoke Signaling were positioned on the ground. We erected a small shelter for the patient to rest while awaiting evacuation. A Sub-Inspector of Police suddenly became the focus of attention literally transforming him into a ‘VIP’ or Very Important Person. He was worried about his senior officers who dispatched him to this station. He was concerned that he might offend them by leaving his duty station without their prior permission. I reassured him and told him that the Indian Army would accept total responsibility for sending him to the hospital. I informed him that we value him and care for his well-being and that we would not expect any person to perform duty when their personal health is at risk.
The pilot made the bold trip as promised and safely transported him to Service Hospital at Air Force Station, Jorhat. The Sub-Inspector of Police told me that he would never forget this particular day of his life on which he could directly experience the sense of urgency with which we acted and treated him as if he is the most precious thing on earth.
I love the Service Award I earned at Doom Dooma without using any Service Weapon. I love Doom Dooma for the opportunity it gave to me to demonstrate my commitment to serve the men who serve our country without any concern for my personal safety.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Earns Bharat Sarkar, Indian Army Sainya Seva Medal -Service Award for Military Service Without Military Service Weapon.Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Earns Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award Without Service Weapon.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Earns Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award Without Service Weapon. Walong War Memorial.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Earns Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award Without Service Weapon. Walong War Memorial.Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon.During 1962 Chinese aggression Indian Army had valiantly resisted the enemy’s attack in a historical battle at Namti Plains, near Walong, Arunachal Pradesh.Special Frontier Force – Lohit River: “WALONG WILL NEVER FALL AGAIN.”Special Frontier Force – Sainya Seva Medal – Service Award without Service Weapon
DOOMSAYER OF DOOM DOOMA HINTS AT MAO ZEDONG’S DOWNFALL
DOOMSAYER OF DOOM DOOMA HINTS AT MAO ZEDONG’S DOWNFALL.
I say, “Mao Zedong Lives” for his Occupation of Tibet survives apart from his Single-Party governance of China that he has put in place shaping lives of millions of people.
I am Witness to his Failure in 1971 when he failed to attack India to abort Liberation of Bangladesh War. He was too busy plotting the murder of his Defence Secretary and purging top-ranking officials of People’s Liberation Army. I am Witness to his Success in Vietnam War when he outmaneuvered Nixon-Kissinger who deserve equal credit for their Vietnam Treason.
Mao Zedong Lives. Red China is still in Tibet. At this moment, Mao Zedong’s Communist Party appears to be invincible. However, I visualize Mao Zedong as Queen of Babylon whose Downfall is Revealed in The New Testament Book ‘REVELATION, Chapter 18, Verses 1-24. Mao Zedong’s Evil Red Empire awaits the Fate of Babylon revealed by Prophet John. Mao Zedong’s Babylon is Doomed. No One on Earth can avert this Calamity, Disaster, and Catastrophe that humbles Mao Zedong.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Hints At Mao Zedong’s Downfall. The Evil Red Empire born on October 01, 1949 Lives awaiting her Unavoidable, Inevitable Doom.On wholedude.com
China’s Biggest History “What-If”: If Mao Zedong Died in 1949
Robert Farley September 23, 2016
For thirty-seven years, Mao Zedong occupied a singular position atop the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), governing organization of the world’s largest country. For over a dozen years, Mao had led the CCP through wilderness (literally), fighting off factional opponents, the armies of Chiang Kai Shek, and the invading forces of the Empire of Japan. In the next decades, Mao would put a deep imprint on the politics and history of China, rarely for the good.
Modern scholarship on the history of the CCP has demonstrated that Mao rarely, if ever, had complete control over the Party machinery. He struggled through his entire tenure against competitors, both bureaucratic and ideological. Many of the decisions Mao made had strong support from the rest of the CCP, and emerged more from consensus that from authoritarian diktat. Nevertheless, the CCP and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) bore the special imprint of Mao’s ideological conviction and genius for infighting.
What if Mao had died in 1949, shortly after the declaration of the existence of the People’s Republic of China? How might China’s domestic and foreign policy have fared in the absence of the Great Helmsman?
Ideology and Factionalism:
For better or worse, Mao Zedong supplied a strong ideological foundation for the existence of the CCP, and for its provision of single-party control over the PRC. This melded a modified form of Marxist economic doctrine with Soviet state Leninism, leavened by a strong dose of anti-colonial thought. This ideological foundation, and the cult of personality that the CCP established around Mao, helped provide unity for the party and the state throughout the PRC’s early years, allowing it to weather such crises as the Korean War, the ongoing challenge of the survival of Chiang Kai Shek’s regime on Taiwan, and the Sino-Soviet Split. It also helped drive crises, including the Great Leap Forward, the aforementioned split with the USSR and the Cultural Revolution.
But Mao Zedong was far from the only important figure in the CCP in 1949. The struggle against Chiang and the Japanese had given many prominent commanders and administrators the chance to prove their worth. Other major political players in 1949 included Peng Dehuai, senior PLA commander; Liu Shaoqi, a key theorist and administrator; Zhou Enlai, Mao’s long-time right-hand man; Lin Biao, another senior commander and close confidant of Mao; Zhu De, founder of the PLA; Gao Gang, Bo Yibo, and Chen Yun, chief economic administrators; Deng Xiaoping, protégé of Liu Shaoqi, and Yang Shangkun, military and political leader during the Revolution.
Mao’s prominence among this group played an important role in stifling infighting; he could command sufficient legitimacy inside and outside the party that the other major players remained in check. It is unlikely that any other figure in the PRC could have provided the same degree of prestige and ideological heft. This would have made it difficult, at least in the early going, to pursue a “cult of personality” state-building strategy.
In Mao’s absence, the factions that formed around these prominent figures (and others) might have descended into open combat with one another. As is often the case with revolutionary insurgencies, the Chinese Communist Party was riven with factionalism even as it took power in Beijing in 1949. Different components of the People’s Liberation Army had fought entirely different wars, in different areas, with different tactics and organizational structures. Powerbrokers within the CCP commanded the allegiance of portions of the PLA, which provided them with security from factional conflict. Without Mao to keep them in check, the PLA itself might have become embroiled in political infighting. Moreover, the USSR (which had substantial influence in the 1950s) might have decided to support one faction or another, leading to even more fighting.
Domestic Policy:
Mao Zedong was the primary driver behind the Great Leap Forward, a project designed to spur industrialization but that instead resulted in massive famine. Mao wasn’t alone; much of the rest of the CCP supported, or at least acquiesced, in the project. However, Mao’s idiosyncratic views on expertise, and his faith in the power of the peasantry, made the Great Leap much worse than it otherwise might have been. In the end, millions died in a campaign that Liu Shaoqi himself declared resulted from “70% human error.” The Great Leap also resulted in the purging of Peng Dehuai (critic of Mao), and the sidelining of Mao from the day-to-day domestic decision-making process. Under the guidance of Liu Shaoqi or similar figure, China would likely not have embarked on such a risky, dangerous course towards modernization, and millions might have lived.
The sidelining of Mao after the Great Leap Forward helped set the stage for the next great upheaval. The Cultural Revolution did not spring fully formed from the mind of Mao Zedong, but he did drive most of its main elements, and the ideological brew it created benefitted Mao at the expense of his competitors. Mao fueled the sense of ideological resentment among a younger generation of Chinese students in order to break the back of the parts of the CCP that opposed him and that, in the early 1960s, had worked hard to sideline him. The impact was dreadful in nearly every way imaginable; millions died, Chinese state capacity atrophied, science and innovation slowed, and the PRC withdrew from the international community. While some of the underlying tensions in China would have existed even without Mao, he played a key role in activating those tensions, and creating a political disaster of epic proportions. Without Mao, China might not have lost an entire decade of economic, social, and technical progress.
Foreign Relations:
The PRC stood in precarious position in the wake of its declaration. The Republic of China, led by Chiang Kai Shek, remained in existence on Formosa, with the United States acting as apparent security guarantor. The Soviet Union offered ideological, military, and economic support, but at the price of full alignment. For a decade, the PRC took this deal. The Soviets supplied support for Chinese military operations in Korea, and helped lay the foundation for the PRC’s military-industrial complex. The Soviets also helped jumpstart China’s nuclear weapons program.
In 1956, Nikita Khrushchev’s turn against Stalin’s cult of personality cut hard into Mao’s own ideological foundation. Tensions increased as China and the USSR pursued divergent approaches to confrontation with the West; Mao preferred taking risks, while Khrushchev wanted to play it safe. Mao had managed to maintain control over the greater part of the foreign policy apparatus of the PRC, giving him ample space to carry out a feud with the USSR. While other voices within China also resented the Soviets, Mao’s ideological convictions, along with his special role at the top of the CCP, helped poison Sino-Soviet relations and bring about a dramatic split between the two countries.
Ten years later, Mao would override many of the rest of the senior leadership (Lin Biao, longtime confidant, died under suspicious circumstances) to seek an opening with the United States. This decision, which permanently detached China from the increasingly moribund USSR and paved the way for opening the PRC’s economy and society, remains Mao’s most meaningful positive contribution to China’s success. Without Mao, the PRC might have pursued Lin Biao’s preferred policy of re-engaging with the Soviet Union.
Parting Thoughts:
China would have struggled to emerge from civil war and its agrarian roots regardless of who guided the ship of state. The establishment of the cult of personality around Mao undoubtedly helped prevent some nasty conflicts between the leaders of the CCP, and assured a degree of unity against foreign foes. But it also gave Mao Zedong, a man with a special talent for human misery, the ability to guide the destinies of hundreds of millions of people for several decades.
ROBERT FARLEY, a frequent contributor to TNI, is author of The Battleship Book. He serves as a Senior Lecturer at the Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce at the University of Kentucky. His work includes military doctrine, national security, and maritime affairs. He blogs at Lawyers, Guns and Money and Information Dissemination and The Diplomat.
Image: The portrait of Mao Zedong at the Tiananmen Gate. Wikimedia
DOOMSAYER OF DOOM DOOMA PLAYS TIBET CARD FOR “HISTORICAL MICHIGAN TOUCHDOWN” – HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ for “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” SCORES TOUCHDOWN WITHOUT TOSSING BALL. HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
As Doomsayer of Doom Dooma, I play ‘TIBET CARD’ to Win in Football Game with “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” My ‘Tibet Connection’ is always about my Place of Residence during My Life Journey.
I lived in Mylapore, Madras when Richard M. Nixon served as Vice President. My ‘Mylapore Connection’ on one hand shaped my Spirit of Nationalism and on the other hand prepared me for my ‘Nagarjuna Connection’ in 1962 when Communist China attacked India while my father worked in Nizamabad and Nalgonda. This mental preparation lead to my joining Indian Army Medical Corps in September 1969. On completion of Basic Military Training, I served in Special Frontier Force during Presidency of Nixon and Gerald Rudolph Ford formulating Lifetime affiliation. At Doom Dooma, I recognized the pattern of my ‘Mylapore Connection’, ‘Nagarjuna Connection’ and of Tibet, India, and the US Connection. Historical events continuously followed one another guiding my Destiny.
Doomsayer of Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card to Win in Football Game with “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” Scores TouchDown without Tossing Ball. HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
During 1934, Gerald Ford played for University of Michigan Wolverines Football Team long before Red China’s military invasion of Tibet. But, Ford formulated my ‘Doom Dooma – Ann Arbor Connection’ for Providence shaped his destiny giving him historical opportunity to serve as 38th President of the United States without getting elected by people. It is not my choice. My ‘Doom Dooma Connection’ to Nixon – Ford Presidency may seem remote but my Journey to the United States to live in Ann Arbor, Michigan makes it possible to play ‘Tibet Card’ without fear of retribution or retaliation by Communist China which takes pride in her Superior Military Power.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Win in Football Game with “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” Scores TouchDown without Tossing Ball. HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
I am playing ‘Tibet Card’ to Win Football Game without Tossing Ball. I will Win when Heaven Strikes in Pudong Dragon’s Field, a “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” World gives importance to “Historical Michigan TouchDown” for it marks ‘Regime Change’; similar to ‘Dinosaur Extinction’ following ‘Bolide TouchDown’ during events of K-T Junction.
“TOUCHDOWN MICHIGAN” – HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Win in Football Game to score “Historical Michigan TouchDown” without Tossing Ball. HAIL TO THE VICTORS!!!
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Score “Historical Michigan TouchDown” without Tossing Ball. World Rejoices Singing ‘Hail to the Victors’.
World Rejoices “Historical Michigan TouchDown” Singing ‘HAIL TO THE VICTORS’!!!
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays Tibet Card to Score “Historical Michigan TouchDown” without Tossing Ball. World Rejoices Singing Hail to the Victors!!!
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Score “Historical Michigan TouchDown” without Tossing Ball.
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Score Historical Michigan TouchDown” without Tossing Ball. World Rejoices Singing Hail to the Victors!!!
HINDUSTAN TIMES
WITH BEIJING, DOES DELHI HAVE A TIBET CARD?
Doomsayer of Doom Dooma Plays ‘Tibet Card’ to Score “Historical Michigan TouchDown.” His Holiness the Dalai Lama with India’s Prime Minister Nehru in 1956 while I lived in Mylapore.
Prashant Jha, Hindustan Times, New Delhi| Updated: Sep 21, 2016 09:57 IST
Tibetan spiritual leader The Dalai Lama at a meeting with the then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1956. (Popperfoto/Getty Images)
When Narendra Modi took oath on May 26, 2014, there was a surprise guest at Rashtrapati Bhawan – Lobsang Sangay, the Prime Minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile. Four months later, when China’s President Xi Jinping visited Ahmedabad, the security administration was instructed to crack down on Tibetan protesters. The contrasting images take us to the heart of the underlying tension in India’s Tibet policy. Delhi does not want to antagonise China, and clearly recognises its limitations. But it provides home to Tibetan people as well as the government-in-exile, and is keen to emphasise the cultural connectivity between Tibet and India. Sections of the establishment have sought to use it as leverage but with an extraordinary increase in Chinese power, India’s ability to play the ‘Tibet card’ has diminished even further.
NEHRU AND TIBET
During colonial rule, British accepted Chinese ‘suzerainty’ – and not sovereignty — over Tibet, but maintained independent diplomatic ties. India saw itself as a natural successor of the same relationship. But the script got complicated as China invaded Tibet in 1950. Sardar Patel was deeply concerned. In a now-famous letter to Nehru in November 1950, he warned of a two-front threat. “The tragedy of it is that the Tibetans put faith in us; they chose to be guided by us; and we have been unable to get them out of the meshes of Chinese diplomacy or Chinese malevolence.” This represents the strong impulse within the Indian system — which continues till date — to see Tibet as an issue where India has a responsibility. It was also an implicit criticism of Nehru for not doing enough to nip Chinese designs.
But Gyalo Thondup, the brother of Tibet’s spiritual head Dalai Lama, has written of how Nehru had sent him three separate messages, asking Tibetans to mobilise militarily and offering Indian assistance. Thondup did not hear back from his own government for six months. By then, it was too late. In his recent autobiography, former diplomat MK Rasgotra reveals that Nehru twice sent a confidant to Lhasa to sound out the Dalai Lama’s cabinet about applying for UN membership. Tibet only applied after the Chinese Army had invaded.
Nehru only then reconciled himself to Chinese control over Tibet and underplayed differences. “The realist in Nehru recognised the reality of China’s effective occupation of Tibet,” writes Rasgotra. In 1954, India gave up its rights on Tibet and recognised it as a “region of China”. The period of focusing on the convergence rather than differences was short-lived though.
THE DALAI LAMA ARRIVES
According to historian Srinath Raghavan, China suspected India had assisted Khampa rebels planning to launch a resistance in 1956. But this perception, he concludes, is not rooted in facts. Nehru had told Dalai Lama during a visit in 1956-57 that an armed struggle was futile, and that he would not permit any activity in India. He also almost forced Dalai Lama to return home even though…..
A flag flies at half staff outside the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library at the University of Michigan campus in Ann Arbor, Mich., Wednesday, Dec. 27, 2006. Ford, who declared “Our long national nightmare is over” as he replaced Richard Nixon but may have doomed his own chances of election by pardoning his disgraced predecessor, died at his home Tuesday. He was 93. (AP Photo/John M. Galloway)
DOOMSAYER OF DOOM DOOMA HINTS AT DOWNFALL OF ARROGANT NATION – EVIL RED EMPIRE
As per Fox News Report, Exiled Supreme Leader of Tibet His Holiness the Dalai Lama hints at EU-Like Arrangement between Tibet and China. In terms of size of territory, China + Tibet = European Union. But China + Tibet Union will fall apart. Doomsayer of Doom Dooma hints at Sudden, Unexpected Downfall of Evil Red Empire for it is Stubborn, Arrogant, and Wicked.
Dalai Lama hints at EU-like arrangement for Tibet, China
Published September 15, 2016
Associated Press
Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama offers a sweet to a person, during a press conference , in Paris, Tuesday, Sept. 13, 2016. The Dalai Lama says there should be dialogue with Islamic State extremists to end bloodshed in Syria and Iraq, and argues that religion is never a justification for bloodshed. The spiritual leader is on a six day visit to France. (AP Photo/Thibault Camus) (The Associated Press)
PARIS – The Dalai Lama has praised the European Union for preserving national cultures while pursuing collective goals, suggesting it could be a model for Tibet within China. On a tour of Europe, the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader said Thursday: “We are very much impressed by the spirit of the European Union – independent, sort-of sovereign states” in which “the common interest is more important.”
It was rare praise for a bloc struggling for unity after Britain’s vote to leave.
The Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in exile are seeking autonomy for Tibet but not independence.
“We happily join or remain within the People’s Republic of China provided they must respect our unique culture including language,” he said in Strasbourg at the Council of Europe, the continent’s human rights authority.
Whole Dude - Whole Concept 