On the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, the Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
On Wednesday, June 4, 2025, the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre, The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past; the spread of Communism to mainland China in 1949.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
Today, on Wednesday, June 04, 2025 The Living Tibetan Spirits regret Tibet’s decision to pursue the policy of Isolationism while confronting the grave threat posed by Communist takeover of mainland China. In 1943, Tibet had the opportunity to establish formal diplomatic relationships with the United States and other countries of Free World to prevent the spread of Communism to Asia.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment regrets Tibet’s Policy of Isolationism in 1943
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
CALLS FOR CHINA TO FACE GHOSTS OF ITS PAST ON TIANANMEN ANNIVERSARY
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
FILE – A Chinese man stands alone to block a line of tanks heading east on Beijing’s Cangan Boulevard in Tiananmen Square, June 5, 1989.
BEIJING —
The United States has added its voice to international calls for China’s communist-led government to give a full public accounting of those who were killed, detained or went missing during the violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations in and around Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.
In a bold statement from Washington to mark the 29th anniversary of a bloody crackdown that left hundreds — some say thousands — dead, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called on Chinese authorities to release “those who have been jailed for striving to keep the memory of Tiananmen Square alive; and to end the continued harassment of demonstration participants and their families.”
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
University students place flowers on the “Pillar of Shame” statue, a memorial for those injured and killed in the Tiananmen crackdown, at the University of Hong Kong, June 4, 2018.
To this day, open discussion of the topic remains forbidden in China and the families of those who lost loved ones continue to face oppression. Chinese authorities have labeled the protests a counter-revolutionary rebellion and repeatedly argued that a clear conclusion of the events was reached long ago.
In an annual statement on the tragedy, the group Tiananmen Mothers urged President Xi Jinping in an open letter to “re-evaluate the June 4th massacre” and called for an end to their harassment.
“Each year when we would commemorate our loved ones, we are all monitored, put under surveillance, or forced to travel” to places outside of China’s capital, the letter said. The advocacy group Human Rights in China released the open letter from the Tiananmen Mothers ahead of the anniversary.
“No one from the successive governments over the past 29 years has ever asked after us, and not one word of apology has been spoken from anyone, as if the massacre that shocked the world never happened,” the letter said.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
FILE – A woman reacts during a candlelight vigil to mark the 28th anniversary of the crackdown of the pro-democracy movement at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, China June 4, 2017.
In his statement, Pompeo also said that on the anniversary “we remember the tragic loss of innocent lives,” adding that as Liu Xiaobo wrote in his 2010 Nobel Peace Prize speech, “the ghosts of June 4th have not yet been laid to rest.”
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
FILE – Liu Xia, wife of deceased Chinese Nobel Peace Prize-winning dissident Liu Xiaobo and other relatives attend his sea burial off the coast of Dalian, China, in this photo released by Shenyang Municipal Information Office July 15, 2017.
Liu was unable to receive his Nobel prize in person in 2010 and died in custody last year. The dissident writer played an influential role in the Tiananmen protests and was serving an 11-year sentence for inciting subversion of state power when he passed.
At a regular press briefing on Monday, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said China had lodged “stern representations” with the United States over the statement on Tiananmen.
“The United States year in, year out issues statements making ‘gratuitous criticism’ of China and interfering in China’s internal affairs,” Hua said. “The U.S. Secretary of State has absolutely no qualifications to demand the Chinese government do anything,” she added.
In a statement on Twitter, which is blocked in China like many websites, Hu Xijin, the editor of the party-backed Global Times, called the statement a “meaningless stunt.”
In another post he said: “what wasn’t achieved through a movement that year will be even more impossible to be realized by holding whiny commemorations today.”
Commemorations for Tiananmen are being held across the globe to mark the anniversary and tens of thousands are expected to gather in Hong Kong, the only place in China such large-scale public rallies to mark the incident can be held.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China.
A man wipes the face of a statue of the Goddess of Democracy at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park Monday, June 4, 2018.
Exiled Tiananmen student protest leader Wu’Er Kaixi welcomed the statement from Pompeo.
However, he added that over the past 29 years western democracies appeasement of China has nurtured the regime into an imminent threat to freedom and democracy.
“The world bears a responsibility to urge China, to press on the Chinese regime to admit their wrongdoing, to restore the facts and then to console the dead,” he said. “And ultimately to answer the demands of the protesters 29 years ago and put China on the right track to freedom and democracy.”
Wu’er Kaixi fled China after the crackdown and now resides in Taiwan where he is the founder of Friends of Liu Xiaobo. The group recently joined hands with several other non-profit organizations and plans to unveil a sculpture in July — on the anniversary of his death — to commemorate the late Nobel laureate. The sculpture will be located near Taiwan’s iconic Taipei 101 skyscraper.
In Taiwan, the self-ruled democracy that China claims is a part of its territory, political leaders from both sides of the isle have also urged China’s communist leaders to face the past.
On Facebook, Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen noted that it was only by facing up to its history that Taiwan has been able to move beyond the tragedies of the past.
“If authorities in Beijing can face up to the June 4th incident and acknowledge that at its roots it was a state atrocity, the unfortunate history of June 4th could become a cornerstone for China to move toward freedom and democracy,” Tsai said.
Tsai’s predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, a member of the opposition Nationalist Party or KMT, who saw close ties with China while in office, also urged Beijing to face up to history and help heal families’ wounds.
“Only by doing this can the Chinese communists bridge the psychological gap between the people on both sides of the [Taiwan] Strait and be seen by the world as a real great power,” Ma said.
The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China. The Living Tibetan Spirits revisit the past on the 36th Anniversary of Tiananmen Square Massacre. Tibet’s unwillingness to openly resist Communism in 1943 is a crucial factor contributing to the loss of human rights in mainland China. Special Frontier Force Reviews Hump Airlift Operation 1942 – 1945. The Legacy of the Hump Operation lives to this day.
India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet
Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
“Strange bedfellows” is an idiom that refers to an unlikely or unusual combination of people, ideas, or things who are associated or working together, often in a way that is unexpected. It suggests that the individuals or entities involved would not typically be seen together.
Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
The phrase “strange bedfellows” is adapted from a line in Shakespeare’s play, The Tempest: “Misery acquaints a man with strange bedfellows”. It describes an unusual or unexpected alliance or combination of people or things, often due to circumstances. The original context in The Tempest is a jester finding shelter with a monster, but the phrase has evolved to have a metaphorical meaning, like in the common saying “Politics makes strange bedfellows”.
Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.In 2007, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama received the Congressional Gold Medal. He represents the third face of Strange Bedfellows. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
It is entirely true to claim that India is not a US ally. Soon after India’s independence in 1947, the US and the UK joined forces to instigate an unprovoked attack to occupy Kashmir illegally while India was waiting with patience to obtain the merger of Kashmir with India using the due process. The First Kashmir War of 1947-48 provides the evidence to show that India is not a US ally.
Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment represents the three faces of “Strange Bedfellows.” Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment – Photo image taken at Chakrata, India on June 03, 1972.
But, it is indeed true to claim that the convergence of interests govern relationships between nations. In 1949, with the birth of Communist China on October 01, the Indian Prime Minister visited the US seeking friendship to formulate a trilateral relationship between the US, India, and Tibet. Since then, the relationship has endured strictly as a trilateral relationship and not a bilateral relationship.
Special Frontier Force at the White House: On April 16, 1991, the 14th Dalai Lama met with US President George H.W. Bush during his first visit to The White House. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.Special Frontier Force at the White House: The 14th Dalai Lama met with US President Bill Clinton on June 20, 2000 at The White House. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.Special Frontier Force at The White House: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama speaking with US President George Bush during their meeting in The White House on September 10, 2003. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.Special Frontier Force at The White House: His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama speaking with US President Barack Obama during their meeting in the Map Room of The White House in Washington, DC on July 16, 2011. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS : BRUCE WALKER , FORMER OFFICIAL OF CIA . Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.HISTORY OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS : FORMER CIA OFFICIALS KENNETH KNAUS AND JOHN GREANEY SHARED THEIR PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OF THE US-INDIA-TIBET RELATIONS . Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.The history of Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22 can be traced back to 1957-58 when the CIA launched Operation ST CIRCUS. This Commemoration on September 10, 2010 was the first time that US had officially acknowledge the CIA operation with the Tibetans and it includes the Mustang(Nepal) Operation. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.The quest for Freedom in Tibet. A military training Camp known as Camp Hale was established in Colorado under the supervision of CIA officers Roger E. McCarthy and John Reagan. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
If the third partner of this relationship is excluded for any reason, the US-India relationship just dissipates as the US continues to support the plan to dismember the Republic of India in the name of advocating the human rights of Muslims, Sikhs, and other ethnic minorities of India.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada,
Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment
Special Frontier Force – Establishment No. 22 – Vikas Regiment: This badge represents a military alliance/pact between India, Tibet, and the United States of America. Its first combat mission was in the Chittagong Hill Tracts which unfolded on 03 November 1971. It was named Operation Eagle. It accomplished its mission of securing peace in the region that is now known as the Republic of Bangladesh.Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
India Is Not a U.S. Ally—and Has Never Wanted to Be
Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
BY ALYSSA AYRES
JUNE 21, 2023 6:00 AM EDT
Ayres is dean and professor of history and international affairs at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, and adjunct senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations. She is the author of OurTimeHasCome: HowIndia is Making Its Place in the World.
With Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi slated for a June 22 State Visit to Washington, India will, if briefly, be front-page news in the United States. Since President Clinton ended a chill in U.S.-India relations almost 25 years ago, successive American and Indian administrations across political parties have worked to strengthen ties. So it’s fair to ask: how robust is this relationship today? As with the blind men and the elephant, the answer varies. Is India a bad bet, or is it, as the White House senior Asia policy official said recently, “the most important bilateral relationship with the United States on the global stage”?
Despite careful nurturing by Washington over the years, many aspects of U.S. ties with India remain challenging. Bilateral trade has grown tenfold since 2000, to $191 billion in 2022, and India became the ninth-largest US trading partner in 2021. But longstanding economic gripes persist, meriting 13 pages in the 2023 ForeignTradeBarriers report from the U.S. Trade Representative. Multilaterally, India’s role in the fast-consolidating “Quad” consultation (comprised of the United States, Australia, India, and Japan) has brought shared purpose to Washington and New Delhi, both of which harbor concerns about China. But New Delhi also champions alternative non-Western groupings like the BRICS, and it remains outside bodies central to U.S. diplomacy like the U.N. Security Council and the G7.
Today, U.S.-India cooperation spans defense, global health, sustainable development, climate, and technology, among other things. But deep differences remain, including concerns in Washington about India’s democratic backsliding under Modi, and India’s failure to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In other words, the U.S.-India relationship has been transformed over the past quarter-century, but that transformation has not delivered a partnership or alignment similar to the closest U.S. alliances
This shouldn’t surprise anyone. India is not a U.S. ally, and has not wanted to become one. To see relations with rising power India as on a pathway that culminates in a relationship like that the United States enjoys with Japan or the United Kingdom creates expectations that will not be met. Indian leaders across parties and over decades have long prioritized foreign policy independence as a central feature of India’s approach to the world. That remains the case even with Modi’s openness to the United States.
For India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, protecting his country’s hard-fought independence was a guiding principle for foreign policy. Speaking in the Indian Parliament in March 1951, Nehru noted that “By aligning ourselves with any one Power, you surrender your opinion, give up the policy you would normally pursue because somebody else wants you to pursue another policy.” Twelve years later, evaluating his country’s nonalignment policy in the pages of Foreign Affairs, Nehru went on to observe that it had not “fared badly,” and that “essentially, ‘non-alignment’ is freedom of action which is a part of independence.”
American President Harry S. Truman shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on the tarmac as Nehru’s sister, diplomat Vijaya Pandit, and daughter, future Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, stand with them, in Washington D.C., on October 11, 1949. Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment. PhotoQuest/Getty Images)
For famously allied Washington, nonalignment in the 20th century was a bridge too far; in 1956 then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles proclaimed that neutrality was “an obsolete conception…immoral and shortsighted.” It did not help matters that the United States had entered an alliance with India’s arch-rival Pakistan in 1954, and sided with the Pakistani military in the bloody civil war that gave birth to Bangladesh in 1971. Nor, too, when Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi signed a “Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation” with the USSR in 1971, definitively tilting India toward the Soviet Union even as the United States had tilted toward Pakistan.
Especially since the end of the Cold War, Indian leaders have sought to improve ties with Washington, but not by curtailing India’s independent approach to foreign policy. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee proclaimed India and the United States “natural allies” in a landmark 1998 speech in New York. Yet this was perhaps more a term of art than a call for an alliance as it occurred against the backdrop of India’s nuclear tests, underscoring New Delhi’s willingness to upset global nuclear nonproliferation conventions, which it never joined. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, whose 10 years at the helm greatly improved Indo-U.S. relations, pursued a civil-nuclear agreement with Washington and ushered in new cooperation in high technology, defense, and clean energy. But his government too defended its principle of “strategic autonomy” as a redline for its foreign policy even as it moved closer to Washington than ever in the past. Defending the civil-nuclear deal with Washington before Parliament in 2008, Singh twice asserted that “Our strategic autonomy will never be compromised.”
In important ways, Prime Minister Modi represents a break with India’s past, most notably in his emphasis on India’s Hindu, rather than syncretic and secular, cultural heritage. But his approach to the United States remains consistent with the history of his country’s foreign policy independence.
Modi has deepened ties with the United States, now across three U.S. presidents, through increased partnership in defense, in advanced technology, and in energy, just to name a few, as well as through moments of high symbolism, like his 2015 RepublicDay invitation to former President Barack Obama, the first time an American president joined this day honoring India’s constitution. Even so, Modi has leaned into the United States while leaning into many other partners around the world. The Modi government invokes a Sanskrit saying, the “world is one family” (vasudhaiva kutumbakam), to frame Indian diplomacy. This approach has been termed “multialignment,” a theory of seeking positive ties as far and as widely as possible, without seeing contradictions in this approach.
In practice, New Delhi has carefully managed its relationships with Saudi Arabia as well as Iran; with Israel as well as the Palestinian Territories; with the United States as well as Russia. India’s G20 presidency this year encapsulates this orientation, with its Sanskritic theme of “One Earth, One Family, One Future,” and its twin efforts to lead the forum for the world’s 20 largest economies while self-consciously presenting itself as the “Voice of the Global South.”
With this history in mind, it’s easier to perceive that momentum in the U.S.-India relationship does not necessarily imply a path to a formal alliance or mutual defense treaty. In the United States, the mental model for positive international cooperation defaults to seeing “ally” as the ultimate endpoint. For India, that suggests a curtailment of independence. And with India, even as cooperation becomes more extensive than ever in the past, consequential differences remain.
For many in Washington, the dramatic growth of coordination and joint activities under the Quad consultative group fills a growing need in light of China’s rise, encompassing subjects as far-flung as maritime security, infrastructure, climate and resilience, vaccines, technology standards, and higher education—all underlining Indian strategic convergence with the United States in the Indo-Pacific. Yet strategic convergence there does not mean everywhere: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its year-long war has elicited a tepid tut-tut from New Delhi, while India has escalated its purchases of cheap Russian oil at a time Washington seeks to isolate Moscow.
On closer examination this foreign policy independence and desire to define its own path so prized by India may offer lessons for U.S. foreign policy. The unipolar moment has passed; in its place we have more actors with their own perspectives, and a rising China with global ambitions and its own priorities increasingly shaping the priorities of others. The array of special relationships and alliances nurtured by the United States over decades are still in place, but many of these are now inflected by divergences with Washington. Take Turkey, or France, or Egypt, Pakistan, or Brazil. These U.S. allies do not always see their alliance relationship with Washington as barriers to taking decisions that contradict U.S. preferences. Indeed, President Emmanuel Macron too invokes “strategicautonomy.”
It’s here that India’s ambivalence offers a lens onto the world Washington is likely to encounter on a growing scale. In this world of more diffused power—a world with more diverse actors taking more distinctive foreign policy steps—partnerships and even alliances marked by substantial disagreements might be the new normal. In fact, managing ambivalence may be the central skill for American foreign policy in the years ahead.
THE EAGLE CONNECTION: THE BALD EAGLE – THE GOLDEN EAGLE – OPERATION EAGLE – WHAT IS THE CONNECTION?The Institution of Dalai Lama is important to preserve Tibetan Political Identity. The Government of Tibet is represented by this Seal of Ganden Phodrang.Human Misery Formulates India-US-Tibet Trilateral Relationship. India is not a US ally for the US-India relations exist as a trilateral partnership with Tibet. These three Strange Bedfellows come together to give identity to a military partnership called Special Frontier Force – Establishment 22 – Vikas Regiment.
Red China’s Colonial War in Tibet: Red China’s Fate is Sealed. Beijing Doomed. Red China will fall into the grave she prepared to bury Tibetan Identity.Red China’s Colonial War in Tibet: Red China’s Fate is Sealed. Beijing Doomed. Red China will fall into the grave she prepared to bury Tibetan Identity.
Red China’s Colonial War against Tibet is doomed to fail and Tibet will declare ‘Victory Through Patience’. Tibetans have demonstrated the quality of endurance under trials. Their patience gives them freedom from cowardice or despondency. Patience is mainly an attitude of mind with respect to external events. Longsuffering imparts patience by changing attitude with respect to people. Patience best develops under trials or trying times. Tibetans are waiting calmly for something they deeply cherish. They are bearing suffering and trouble with self-control, steadiness and fortitude. Tibetans are showing restraint under great provocation and are refraining from retaliation, tolerating repressive measures used by Red China. Tibetan endurance of suffering without flinching will ensure their victory over Red China’s Colonial War.
Red China’s Colonial War in Tibet: Red China’s Fate is Sealed. Beijing Doomed. Red China will fall into the grave she prepared to bury Tibetan Identity.
Red China with her passionate desire to colonize Tibet, started preparing graves to bury Tibetan Culture, Tibetan Religion, and Tibetan Identity. As the saying goes, people who dig graves for others are at risk of falling into the pits they prepare. Red China is digging her own grave and has set herself on a path of Self-Destruction.
Red China’s Colonial War in Tibet: Red China’s Fate is Sealed. Beijing Doomed. Red China will fall into the grave she prepared to bury Tibetan Identity.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
XI’S TIBET POLICY IS NOTHING NEW, BUT AN OLD COLONIAL WAR AGAINST TIBET – CNN iREPORT
By SHAMBALA Posted August 28, 2015. McLeod Ganj, India
Red China’s Colonial War in Tibet: Red China’s Fate is Sealed. Beijing Doomed. Red China will fall into the grave she prepared to bury Tibetan Identity.
More from Shambala
World must pressure China on human rights violations in Tibet Genocide in the 20th Century: Massacres in Tibet: 1966-76 Is China wittingly replacing temples in Tibet with propaganda centers? Tibet and the global economy: is today’s China poisoning the West? Tibetans and Chinese in Tibet: Who are the real terrorist?
CNN PRODUCER NOTE
Dharamshala — The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.
Invaded by China in 1949, the independent country of Tibet was forced to face the direct loss of 1.2 million lives that comes from military invasion and, soon after, the loss of universal freedoms that stemmed from Communist ideology and its programs such as the Cultural Revolution (1966-76). However, it is erroneous to believe that the worst has passed. The fate of Tibet’s unique national, cultural and religious identity is seriously threatened and manipulated by the Chinese authorities in the past six decades.
Chinese government’s policy of occupation and oppression has resulted in no more or less than the destruction of Tibet’s national independence, culture and religion, environment and the universal human rights of its people. Time and time again, the infliction of this destruction sees China break international laws with impunity, while attempting to transform Tibet’s 2.5 million square kilometers into complete China.
On the 50th anniversary of the so-called “peaceful liberation”, Chinese President Xi Jinping called more the government’s efforts in “Promoting Economic,” “Ethnic Unity” and “Social Development” in Tibet, shows no different claims, revealing the unpredictable nature of a regime bent on maintaining stability even through terror, exposing the depth of China’s present illness.
Xi’s concepts of repressive policies reflect the deep uncertainty that aiming at the core of the another “Cultural Revolution” strategy in further colonizing Tibet, showing the whole world once again the real terror nature of the Communist regime.
Ever since its colonial project was set in motion, the “Cultural Revolution” has insisted that it seeks to colonize Tibet “peacefully”, indeed that its colonization of the country will not only not harm the Tibetan population, but that it was successful to be of benefit to millions of illegal Chinese settlers.
The main reasons behind the dirty politics of why Xi is “calling for more educational campaigns to promote ethnic unity and a sense of belonging to the same Chinese nationality,” is that Tibetans would become real Chinese and must speak Mandarin, allowing coexistence with the Chinese settlers who would be happy and grateful for being colonized and civilized by the communist regime; and a secret, logistical and practical strategy to vanquish the Tibetan population from Tibet, which threatens the very existence of Tibetan culture, religion and national identity.
The impacts of mass immigration of Ethnic Chinese into Tibet was and is a barbaric act with aim to destroy Tibet completely— a target for the worst excesses of the Chinese regime. Tibetan exiles claim 7.5 million Chinese now live in Tibet overwhelming the six million Tibetans. These figures are unconfirmed, but recent Chinese figures suggest this trend is accurate.
Mass murder Mao Zedong killed an estimated 49-78 million people during China’s Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1976. From Mao to Hu Jintao, one after another, the Chinese dictators have taken full control over the lives of their citizens. The similarities shared with previous dictators from Mao to Hu, Xi’s approach of declaring peaceful intentions for “Ethnic Unity and “Economy Development” behind which he sought to hide Mao’s “Marxism” inherited from “Sovietism”, a violent strategy of conquering and terrorizing the land of Tibet into pieces, adopting wholesale thenceforward, which continues to be the cornerstone of the repressive policy to the present.
Chinese hard-line policies in creating a new socialist paradise, seeking hearts and minds with Tibetan people will never fulfill its dreams. Indeed, within the framework of the 17 Point Agreement between China and Tibet, the PLA troops marching into Tibet shall abide by all the above-mentioned policies and shall also be fair in all buying and selling and shall not arbitrarily take a single needle or thread from the people. However, in the past six decades, Tibetans are denied of the basic rights of expression, speech, movement, and religion under the hard-line policies, including political repression, economic marginalization, environmental destruction, cultural assimilation and denial of religious freedom.
As China became the 3rd of the top ten militaries in the world, according to “Global Firepower”, why China’s strategists have increasingly acknowledged that the stability in Tibet is central to China’s national interest, and particularly as present as the early 1980s. The term “Economy Development” and “Stability” has nothing to do with Tibetan people. But the Tibetan plateau, dubbed the “Third Pole”, holds the third largest store of water-ice in the world and is the source of many of Asia’s rivers. The glaciers, snow peaks, rivers, lakes, forest and wetlands of Tibet provide major environmental services to Asia, from Pakistan to Vietnam to northern China.The climate in Tibet generates and regulates monsoon rains over Asia. An estimated 70% of water in China is heavily polluted from uncontrolled dumping of chemicals. Instead of dealing with this the Chinese regime is diverting water from Tibet to north and west China to supply over 300 million Chinese people. It is also damming rivers to generate hydroelectricity which is in turn used to power industrial developments in China. Dams on rivers and their major tributaries cause massive interruptions to wild mountain rivers and the ecosystems dependent on them. They also give China strategic power over neighboring countries.
Chinese state-owned mining companies are quickening their extraction of copper, gold and silver in Tibet. These mines are usually based close to rivers. Tibet is also rich in other resources including lead, zinc, molybdenum, asbestos, uranium, chromium, lithium and much more. Tibet is China’s only source of chromium and most of its accessible lithium is in Tibet. These raw materials are used in manufacturing of household goods, computers and smart phones, among much else.
China is the world’s largest producer of copper and the world’s second biggest consumer of gold. The World Gold Council predicts that the consumption in China will double within a decade. Tibet’s reserves of copper and gold are worth nearly one trillion dollars. Chinese companies have traditionally mined on a small-scale but now large-scale extractions are taking place, mainly by large companies, owned by or with close links to the State.
More importantly, in connection with the size of Tibet it needs to be pointed out that the so-called ‘Tibet Autonomous Region’ – which is what the some parts of world mistakenly see as ‘Tibet’ – is only the truncated half of Tibet. The North-Eastern Province of Amdo; has been separated from the rest of Tibet and renamed ‘Qinghai.’ Also; large parts of Eastern Tibet; the traditional Kham Province; have been incorporated into neighboring Chinese Provinces.
Economic growth mostly benefits The Chinese settlers and businesses and workers, as most workers in Tibet mines are Chinese and the extraction takes place without regard to the local environment and areas of religious significance. Most of Tibet is vulnerable to earthquakes and highly volatile. Threats posed by this instability are exacerbated by mining and damming projects. In 2013 a landslide in the Gyama Valley is a great example, which highlighted the fatal destruction of Tibet’s environment. In almost all areas in Tibet, Tibetans have frequently protested against Chinese government, where there are mining projects in Tibet, particularly in recent years. China has recently drilled a 7 km bore hole, to reach and explore Tibet’s oil and natural gas resources. China National Petroleum Corporation estimates the basin’s oil reserves at 10 billion tons.
As well as global climate change, industrial projects such as mining, damming and deforestation are leading to the Tibetan glacier melting at a faster rate, contributing in turn to further global warming. Before the Chinese occupation there was almost no Tibetan industrialization, damming, draining of wetlands, fishing and hunting of wildlife. Tibet remained unfenced, its grasslands intact, its cold climate able to hold enormous amounts of organic carbon in the soil.
China has now moved millions of Tibetan nomads from their traditional grasslands to urban settlements, opening their land for the extraction of resources and ending traditional agricultural practices which have sustained and protected the Tibetan environment for centuries.
The mining companies also benefit from state financing of railways, power stations and many other infrastructure projects. Much of China’s significant transport infrastructure developments in Tibet have been intended to facilitate the movement of military forces into the country and the removal of natural resources from it. companies also benefit from finance at concessional rates to corporate borrowers, tax holidays, minimal environmental standards and costs, no requirement to compensate local communities and subsidized rail freight rates to get concentrates to smelters or metal to markets.These above valid reasons for saying Tibetans inside Tibet will never sense happier life in a so-called “Maoist socialist paradise.” Instead, we have, and always had the fears and sense of the totalitarian nature of Chinese regime.
However, the authoritarians in Beijing always have popularised the expression of Tibet as a “Peaceful Liberation” since the occupation in 1949— the totalitarianism understood well that its colonial strategy depended on a deliberate and insistent confusion of the binary terms “Liberation” and “Unity”, so that each of them hides behind the other as one and the same strategy: “Unity” will always be the public name of a colonial war, and “Liberation”, once it became necessary and public in the form of total invasions, would be articulated as the principal means to achieve the sought after “ethnic unity”.
Why Xi said the country should “firmly take the initiative” in the fight against separatism, vowing to crack down on all activities seeking to separate the country and destroy social stability. Waging colonial war under banner of “Unity” is so central to totalitarianism and Chinese propaganda that China’s 1949 invasion of Tibet, which killed 1.2 million Tibetans and destroyed over six thousand monasteries and temples and historical structures looted and all beyond repair, was termed the “Peaceful Liberation of Tibet”. “Liberation” and “Ethnic Unity”, therefore, are the same means whose only and ultimate strategic goal is Chinese colonization of Tibet and the subjugation and expulsion of Tibetan population.
To bring about the expulsion of the Tibetans and the establishment of the Chinese settler colony, the CCP sought the patronage of the powers that controlled the fate of Tibet. Mao to Xi whereas their assiduous efforts to court the Mao’s old leadership and persuade to grant them a charter failed, however the soviet style leadership after Mao adopted the same strategy under various banners and successfully secured the patronage of world, and became the master of Tibet.
Tibet remained largely isolated from the rest of the world’s civilizations. After 1949, the CCP successfully secured support for their colonial project. After more than 40 years the world recognize that Mao was responsible for genocide of millions of Chinese, Tibetans, Mongolians and Uyghurs. Even Deng Xiaoping actually believed that Mao was about 80% wrong, prove not only that mass massacre happened from 1959-61 but also that these were mainly the result of policy errors that the current regime continues to draw from.
None of these, however, meant morally justifiable and acceptable, but a true nature that the deadly ideology of communism while abandoned their public claims that their “peaceful liberation” colonization of Tibet would not be harmful to the Tibetan people while employing, at the same time, the most violent means to evict the Tibetans off their land.
The totalitarian leader, Mao, following Stalin’s strategy of securing the patronage of major world powers articulated the Soviet position thus. Soviet type colonization must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population. Which means that it can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power that is independent of the native population -behind an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach. That is repressive policy; not what it should be, but what it actually is, whether we admit it or not. We clearly understand why Xi is calling for more “patriotic education campaigns” to promote “ethnic unity” and a sense of belonging to the same “Chinese nationality”.
Despite officially introducing more environment-friendly policies in recent years, China continues to flood Tibet with potentially destructive mega development projects such as railway routes, oil and gas pipelines, petrochemical complexes, hydro dams, construction of airports, highways, military bases and new cities for migrants from Mainland China. Is this for a sense of belonging to the same “Chinese nationality”?
What need we have, otherwise, of the Peaceful Liberation? Or of the Mandate? Their value to us is that outside Power has undertaken to create in the country such conditions of administration and security that if the native population should desire to hinder our work, they will find it impossible.It was, in fact, this regime’s commitment to “peaceful liberation” with the Tibetans, whose land they sought to total control, that provoked the ire of terror group that gradually transformed the CCP. The CCP leaders’ assumption that the Tibetans were bribe-able, that they could be bought, and that they would accept Chinese domination in exchange for nominal economic benefits was challenged by Mao. He once stated that the communist army’s “only foreign debt” was that incurred to the Tibet and its people while on the Long March in 1930s.
As the idea of peaceful liberation of Tibet as a means to establish more colonial conquests continued to be entrenched in Maoist considerations, it would be pursued alongside invisible war even after 1949, as evidenced by the multiple invasions of Tibet in the 1950s, and in the new century. These wars would be waged explicitly as part of China’s pursuit of “peaceful liberation” to achieve its colonial aims, and Nor-eastern Tibet capitulated completely to Chinese colonialism, while continuing the war against those Tibetans who continued to resist Maoist colonial logic.
Human rights monitoring and protection has become an unusual challenge to the de facto impunity of the government system. Acquiring accurate information from the so-called ethnic minority regions of Tibet had become extremely difficult due to the secretive nature of operations and so-called lack of transparency. Tibetans in their own home country have become victims of deep-seated prejudice. A carefully chiseled policy has led to a cultural genocide in Tibet due to denial of basic fundamental rights, freedoms and justice over a period of 60 years. The Human Rights situation has not improved in Tibet.
The ongoing suppression of the Tibetan people has been openly carried out whether intentionally or unintentionally. The Chinese government continues to accelerate the political, economic, social and geographical integration of Tibet into China. There is no let-up on many unpopular measures of control imposed by China on the Tibet region such as the “Patriotic re-education Campaign” under policy of “Unity and Peace,” despite how-many-ever protests from Tibetans. This Chinese policy with the active support of the military presence in Tibet, at least a quarter of a million strong, strictly governs the territory, after all China still claims a “peaceful liberation” of Tibet and President Xi Jinping vowed to follow same old way. Is this what China really wanted the whole world to witness in an occupied Tibet in the 21st century?
The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.
Photo caption: China’s aggressive Violence Against Tibetan People in their homeland, in 2012. Photo: file
The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s commitment to “Ethnic Unity”, “Economy Development” and “Social Stability” in Tibet under the banner of “Peaceful Liberation”, which nether seeks a peaceful solution nor a signal for a new reform of more openness. But it clearly shows China is further strengthening an integral element of another “cultural revolution” project in Tibet. One must say Xi is revealing the true nature of a Communist regime in Tibet, a similar sense of strategic inviolability characterized the 20th century’s greatest mass murderer, Mao Zedong.
Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute
Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border DisputeSino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: ACHARYA J B KRIPALANI, GANDHIAN THINKER, FREEDOM FIGHTER, SOCIAL WORKER, AND EMINENT INTELLECTUAL OF INDIA IS SEEN IN THIS PHOTO (LEFT) ALONG WITH SARDAR PATEL (MIDDLE) AND SIR SEN (RIGHT). ACCORDING TO ACHARYA KRIPALANI THE PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT IS BORN IN SIN. I MET THIS NATIONALIST LEADER, MEMBER OF INDIAN PARLIAMENT DURING JUNE 1967 IN NEW DELHI.
Seventy years ago, India and Peoples’ Republic of China had signed the Panchsheel Agreement without coming to a proper understanding about the status of Tibet. At that time, both India and Tibet had earnestly believed that China would not oppress Tibet with its military conquest. India and Tibet were hoping that China would respect the traditional governance of Tibet by the Institution called The Dalai Lama or the Ganden Phodrang Government which ruled over Tibet for four centuries since 1642.
Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute :IN MY OPINION, THIS PHOTO IMAGE PROVIDES THE EVIDENCE FOR THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT OF JUNE 1954. CHINA’S PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI HAD ARRIVED IN NEW DELHI ON AN OFFICIAL VISIT ACCOMPANIED BY THE 14th DALAI LAMA WHO IS RECOGNIZED BY INDIA AS THE HEAD OF THE TIBETAN GOVERNMENT. AT THAT TIME CHINA HAD DELIBERATELY DISTORTED THE TRUTH ABOUT THE PURPOSE OF ITS MILITARY CONQUEST OF TIBET.Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: AFTER SIGNING THE PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT, INDIA TRIED ITS BEST TO LOOSEN CHINA’S MILITARY GRIP OVER TIBET. BOTH INDIA, AND TIBET HOPED THAT DIPLOMACY WOULD PREVAIL AND THAT TIBET WOULD ENJOY FULL AUTONOMY DESPITE CHINA’S MILITARY CONQUEST OF TIBET DURING 1950. THIS PHOTO IMAGE OF CHOU EN-LAI’S VISIT TO NEW DELHI ALONG WITH THE 14th DALAI LAMA GAVE HOPE TO BOTH INDIA AND TIBET.Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT OF 1954: CHINA’S PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI HAD VISITED INDIA DURING 1956, ABOUT TWO YEARS AFTER THE SIGNING OF THE PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT. THIS PHOTO IMAGE IS THE EVIDENCE FOR CHINA’S DECEPTION. CHINA GAVE THE IMPRESSION THAT IT WOULD RESPECT THE POLITICAL INSTITUTION OF THE DALAI LAMA THAT RULED OVER TIBET FOR FOUR CENTURIES.
While India’s Prime Minister Nehru and Tibet’s ruler, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama had hoped for a peaceful relationship with China, many Indians were not optimistic and had suspected that China had annexed Tibet with its military invasion of 1950. This Panchsheel Agreement, in the words of Acharya Kripalani, is “Born in Sin.” I had expressed a similar view while commenting on the US-China trade relations that were initiated by President Richard Nixon and Dr. Henry Kissinger and described it as an act of “Original Sin” or “Whole Sin.”
Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT OF 1954: INDIA’S VICE-PRESIDENT DR. S. RADHAKRISHNAN VISITED PEKING DURING SEPTEMBER 1957 AND MET WITH THE LEADERS OF COMMUNIST CHINA WITH AN EARNEST DESIRE TO SAVE TIBET FROM CHINA’S MILITARY OPPRESSION. THE TRUE INTENTIONS OF CHINA GOT EXPOSED AND THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT BECAME FULLY EVIDENT.Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT OF 1954: TOWARDS THE END OF 1957, BOTH INDIA AND TIBET HAD FULLY RECOGNIZED THE DECEPTION OF THE PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT THAT WAS INITIATED BY CHINA AFTER ITS MILITARY INVASION OF TIBET IN 1950. A TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TOOK ITS BIRTH TO FACE THE CHALLENGE POSED BY CHINA’S MILITARY OCCUPATION OF TIBET.
In my opinion, any agreement between China and India would have no validity if it involves the Land of Tibet. The Panchsheel Agreement is void as Tibet has not signed this agreement. India and China do not share a common border and the concern about peaceful coexistence must include the concern for the true aspirations of Tibetan people and their natural rights to their territory and to their right to Freedom from military occupation.To begin with, I ask for resolution of Tibet-China Border Dispute.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada Ann Arbor, MI 48104-4162, USA Special Frontier Force-Establishment 22-Vikas Regiment
MOVING BEYOND THE PANCHSHEEL DECEPTION
Ram Madhav | INDIAN EXPRESS, Saturday, June 28, 2014 12:51 am
THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT: Mr. Ram Madhav in his opinion had correctly stated that the Panchsheel Agreement between India and China does not include the Land of Tibet. Without the participation of Tibet, the Agreement has no worth and it will not achieve any purpose.
India and China can cooperate with each other on the principles of sovereign equality and mutual sensitivity.
Summary
India and China must develop a new framework for bilateral relations, unshackled by empty rituals and symbols.
Ram Madhav
The biggest problem in Sino-Indian relations is the utter lack of ingenuity and innovativeness. Six decades after the formal engagement through Panchsheel and five decades after the bloody disengagement due to the 1962 War, leaders of both the countries struggle to come up with new and out-of-the-box answers to the problems plaguing their relationship.
When there are no new ideas, one resorts to symbolism and rituals. These are projected as the great new ideas to kickstart a new relationship. However, there is nothing great or new about them. They are the very same worn out and tried-tested-and-failed actions of the last several decades.
The Panchsheel itself is one ritual that successive Indian governments have unfailingly performed. Vice President Hamid Ansari will be visiting Beijing today to uphold India’s commitment to the ritual. The occasion is the 60th anniversary of the signing of the Panchsheel Agreement.
It was exactly six decades ago, on June 28, 1954, roughly two months after the formal signing of the Panchsheel, that Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai visited India. He and then-prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had issued a historic statement, reaffirming their commitment to the five principles enshrined in the Panchsheel to “lessen the tensions that exist in the world today and help in creating a climate of peace”.
Contrary to public perception or propaganda, Panchsheel was actually an agreement between the “Tibetan region of China and India” on “trade and intercourse.” It did include five principles, like mutual respect, mutual non-aggression, mutual benefit, peaceful coexistence, etc, but the very title of the agreement was a defeat for India.
The British had, at least from the Simla Accord of 1912 until they left India, not conceded that Tibet was a part of China. Unfortunately, one of the first foreign policy deviations of the Nehru government was the signing of the Panchsheel, wherein India had formally called the Tibetan region as “of China”. Thus the Panchsheel was signed as a treaty of peaceful coexistence over the obituary of Tibetan independence. That was why parliamentarian Acharya Kripalani called the agreement as “born in sin”.
The Panchsheel met its end just three months after its signing, when the Chinese were found violating Indian borders in Ladakh in late-1954. A formal death note was written by Mao Zedong a few months before the 1962 war, when he told Zhou that what India and China should practice is not “peaceful coexistence” but “armed coexistence”. The war followed and ended in humiliation and loss of territory for India. It left behind a massive border dispute that continues to haunt both the countries.
However, this didn’t seem to deter the Indian and, to some extent, the Chinese leadership in continuing with the deception of the Panchsheel. The history of Sino-Indian relations in the last five decades is replete with instances of violations of sovereignty, mutual animosity, attempts to upstage each other and general ill-will. Mostly the Chinese have been on the wrong side of the so-called Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.
Yet, the ritual continued through the decades and changing governments in India. Nehru to P.V. Narasimha Rao to Atal Bihari Vajpayee continued paying lip service to the Panchsheel during bilateral visits.
“Only with coexistence can there be any existence,” declared Indira Gandhi in 1983. The next prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, expressed confidence in 1988 that “the five principles of peaceful coexistence provide the best way to handle relations between nations”. Rao as prime minister declared in 1993 that “these principles remain as valid today as they were when they were drafted”. While Vajpayee too was forced to continue this ritual, he made a significant departure by refusing to falsely credit China for following the Panchsheel. He put extra emphasis on “mutual sensitivity to the concerns of each other” and “respect for equality.”
At a time when Beijing is celebrating six decades of the Panchsheel, it is important to look at a new framework for Sino-Indian relations beyond Panchsheel. Vajpayee laid the foundation for a renewed outlook by emphasising on sensitivity and equality. That can form the basis for the new framework.
The Chinese have a clever way of promoting their superiority and exclusivism. Sinologists describe it as the Middle Kingdom syndrome. While Nehru wanted to take credit for the Panchsheel, Zhou told Richard Nixon in 1973 that “actually, the five principles were put forward by us, and Nehru agreed. But later on he didn’t implement them”. The Chinese also entered into a similar agreement with Myanmar (then Burma) in 1954, thus ensuring that the Panchsheel wasn’t exclusive to their relationship with India.
For the Beijing event, the Chinese government has invited the president of India as well as the president of Myanmar, General Thein Sein, who will be present. Ansari will lead the Indian delegation. Without any malice towards Ansari, one would notice the downgrading of India’s participation in the Beijing event. Beijing was keen on having the president or prime minister at the event. But for once, the South Block mandarins seem to have done their homework, advising the Indian government against sending either of them. Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj too decided to skip the event and chose to visit Dhaka around the same time, sending a rather strong signal.
If Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping, who is expected to visit India in September, decide to depart from the Panchsheel framework and embark on a new relationship, both countries will benefit. Both leaders have that ability. Both enjoy the trust and confidence of their countries. Most importantly, both are seen to be out-of-the-box leaders.
India and China can cooperate with each other on the principles of sovereign equality and mutual sensitivity. China has emerged as an economic superpower, but is exposed to serious internal and external threats. It is facing problems with almost all of its 13 neighbours. The fact that China spends more money on internal security than on external security speaks volumes about its internal vulnerability. So, while India is not as big economically as China, its security apparatus is better-placed.
Modi and Xi can chart a new course in Sino-Indian relations if they are prepared to unshackle themselves from ritualism and symbolism. Both have the ability and the support to do it.
Madhav is a member of the Central Executive, RSS, and the author of ‘Uneasy Neighbours: India and China after Fifty Years of the War’
Sino-Indian Relations must be reformulated after resolving Tibet-China Border Dispute: THE DECEPTION OF PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT OF 1954: INDIA AND TIBET RECOGNIZED THE DECEPTION OF COMMUNIST CHINA AND WERE LEFT WITH NO OPTION. THE TIBETAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TOOK ITS BIRTH IN 1957-1958 AND IT SYMBOLIZES THE FAILURE OF THE PANCHSHEEL AGREEMENT. TO CONFIRM THE FACT OF THIS FAILURE, CHINA HAD VICIOUSLY ATTACKED INDIA DURING OCTOBER 1962.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. Tibet remains under Communist China’s Military Occupation for there is no Movement to take Tibet Forwards.
Tibet Crisis began soon after the expansion of Communism to Asia with the emergence of the People’s Republic of China on October 01, 1949. Tibetans anticipated great ‘Trouble’ but hoped to ward off belligerent Communist Regime through peaceful negotiations.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. The Middle Way Approach fails to Move Tibet Forwards.
Tibet, to defend vital national interests, agreed to accept military assistance from the United States with the cooperation and help from India. Communist China used this Tibetan response for nationalistic survival as an excuse to invade Tibet. This illegal invasion of Tibet by Communist China in 1950 precipitated the Tibet Crisis.
Whole Deception – The 17-Point Plan to consolidate Occupation of Tibet was signed on May 23, 1951.
To move forward, Tibet requested “Meaningful Autonomy” to reconcile with China’s military occupation. On May 23, 1951, using deception and intimidation tactics, China forced Tibetans to sign the 17-Point Plan or the Seventeen-Point Agreement for Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. This Agreement grants “Autonomy” to Tibetans to manage their internal affairs. By 1957, Tibetans recognized China’s deception. They watched helplessly as China launched measures to fully consolidate its hold over every aspect of Tibetan National Life.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. Public Revolt, the Tibetan National Uprising against the Measures for Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.
In 1959, Tibetans launched an unsuccessful, massive, National Uprising to break China’s military grip over Tibet. As a consequence of this public revolt, the Supreme Ruler of Tibet was forced to live in exile. Tibet Crisis remains unresolved as the tyrannical Communist Regime always finds justification to deny the just demands of Tibetan people. Tibetans are not able to move forward to bring the Tibet Crisis to a peaceful conclusion.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. Umay Lam or the Middle Way. The Way Backwards.
In my analysis, ‘The Middle Way Approach’ or the ‘UMAYLAM’ does not help to move forward. It represents a Circular Movement taking Tibetans Backwards from 2018 to 1951 when Tibet and China agreed upon the grant of Autonomy to Tibetans under the Chinese Rule.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE
Tibetans come up with a film to resolve Tibet crisis
CTA releases a film titled ‘Umay Lam: Middle Way – The Way Forward’.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. Umay Lam or the Middle Way. The Way Backwards.
A screenshot of the film Umay Lam Middle Way – The Way Forward. (Photo: SNS)
The Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) on Wednesday released a film titled ‘Umay Lam: Middle Way-The Way Forward’ to resolve Tibet issue.
A CTA official said Umay Lam in Tibetan means the Middle Way Approach and this policy is proposed by Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama to peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet.
The policy also aims to bring about stability and co-existence between the Tibetan and Chinese people based on equality and mutual co-operation.
It is also a policy adopted democratically by the CTA and the Tibetan people through a series of discussions held over a long time, he added.
Produced by Tibet TV and directed by Tibetan filmmaker Tenzin Kalden, the film showcases the relevance of the Middle Way Approach as the Tibetan freedom struggle enters its 60th-year threshold.
The film shows the first generation of Tibetans who lived through the invasion, are now slowly phasing out and the new generation of Tibetans have taken over the mantle of the freedom struggle.
The 18-minute film features leading Tibetan political personalities engaged in Sino-Tibetan negotiations to share their experience and provide commentary on the Middle Way Approach.
The film also highlights how in their own homeland, Tibetans continue to resist the repressive Chinese policies threatening their religion, culture, and identity.
The film illustrates how Umay Lam (Middle Way Policy) which proposes a mutually beneficial solution for Tibet and China wherein Tibetans seek ‘Genuine Autonomy’ within the framework of the People’s Republic of China.
And in return, China maintains, its territorial integrity, is the way forward and the most viable solution to resolving the longstanding Sino-Tibetan issue.
Tibet Crisis. The Circular Movement. Umay Lam or the Middle Way. The Way Backwards.